Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 74

After Zhang Zhidong finished speaking, he got into his sedan chair and left, leaving Yuan Shikai standing there pondering for quite some time. What he had just said wasn't flattery; it was his true feeling. At the very least, he couldn't replicate the success achieved by those young men in Wuhan. Who could have imagined that the Hubei New Army could march into India and force the British to abandon their military solution to the Wuhan Incident?

He may have had no shortage of outstanding military talents under his command, but only a young Yuan Shikai would have dared to take such a desperate gamble; he wouldn't do something like that now. The change in the British attitude prevented the sinking of the Japanese warship from becoming the trigger for a Sino-Japanese conflict. Before this, Yuan Shikai and his Beiyang clique were deeply worried because another invasion by the Eight-Nation Alliance would make it impossible for China to remain a nation.

But now, the situation is beginning to turn in China's favor. In addition to the increasingly deteriorating relationship between China and Russia, Russia's unfriendly ultimatum to the Wuhan Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee is putting pressure on the Qing government, indicating that if the Qing government cannot protect Russia's interests in China, then it should sign an agreement as soon as possible to recognize Manchuria and Outer Mongolia as receiving Russian protection. The attitudes of other governments toward Beijing have actually improved.

According to the advice of Yuan Shikai's advisors, foreign governments were worried that after the collapse of the Qing government, armed groups like the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committees would emerge in various places, which would pose a major challenge to the interests of the powers in China. As a result, the powers would have to deploy a large number of troops to maintain order in China. The Eight-Nation Alliance had already proven that the idea of ​​ruling China by force was not feasible.

Judging from the current outcome, those young people in Wuhan did a decent job. But if we consider the previous situation, who would have been willing to risk their life and fortune to make such a gamble? At least, there were no such audacious individuals within the Beiyang clique. They might have shown their bravery on the battlefield, but they would never dare to challenge the rules set by the imperial court and the foreign powers.

The attempt to bring Tang Caichang and Tian Junyi to Beijing served two purposes: first, to divide the power in Hubei; and second, to see if the two could be used by the Beiyang clique. At this time, it was impossible for the Beiyang clique to independently support the Qing Dynasty, but with the support of Hubei, the Beiyang clique could truly replace the Huai clique as the mainstay of Qing power.

While the foreign powers and the imperial court temporarily halted their military offensive against Hubei, Wuhan focused on building up its local government, with the most important task being the establishment of the Wuhan government itself. Wuhan also began to reclaim the privileges that the foreign powers had in Hubei.

Upon receiving news of the Chinese army's invasion of India, the Germans immediately relayed it to the Labour Party. This news was undoubtedly a major blow to the British Consul General and consuls from various countries in Hankou. One of the main reasons the great powers had historically threatened China militarily was that even if they lost, the Chinese posed no real threat.

The presence of Chinese troops on Indian territory meant that while the British were attacking China, the Chinese could also attack India. Regardless of Britain's victories in China, Britain had lost the war. It was like the British defeating the Boers; no one considered it a British victory, but rather a victory for the Boers.

The British Minister to China's subsequent call for a cessation of hostilities between Beijing and Wuhan undoubtedly acknowledged Wuhan's status as a belligerent group, further demonstrating Britain's apprehension about the presence of Chinese troops in India. Voices within the Labour Party advocating for limited recognition of foreign powers' privileges in China immediately disappeared. Tian Junyi, Qin Lishan, and Tang Caichang all believed that this opportunity should be used to abolish the foreign powers' consular jurisdiction and customs supervision in Hubei, Hunan, and Sichuan, and to reclaim the foreign concessions.

Tian Junyi addressed the committee members, saying, "Since the great powers can no longer continue the war, we must acknowledge that they have no special privileges here; these are the privileges of the victors..."

The Belgians were the first to feel the effects of this privilege. Qin Lishan, representing the committee, issued an ultimatum to the Belgians: "If the consul cannot sign the land transfer agreement by today, then the committee will have no choice but to declare that you purchased the land through fraudulent means, and the land transaction is invalid. In addition, given that Belgium has joined the Yangtze River Joint Fleet and issued a war threat to the committee, the committee has decided to expel all Belgians from Hubei, Hunan, and Sichuan provinces and sever diplomatic relations with you."

The Belgian consul was furious and questioned Qin Lishan: "The British and Russians initiated the Yangtze River Joint Fleet, and the United States, Japan, and other countries also participated in the joint fleet. Do you also intend to sever diplomatic relations with them?"

Qin Lishan calmly looked at the Belgian consul and replied, "They do have warships in China, but Belgium doesn't. We're not Congolese; we won't be extorted by you..."

Chapter 257 The Committee's Diplomacy

The Belgians were beaten, and then the French stepped in. After all, the Belgians had dared to extort money from the Governor-General of Huguang because of French support. However, Qin Lishan was unimpressed by the French consul's threats.

The principle of unity among the great powers had been violated. After the British summoned a combined fleet to Wuhan to protect their citizens, the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee refused to communicate with the so-called consular corps. They only agreed to communicate separately with the consuls of each country. The Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee's position on how to treat the consular corps was very clear: the consular corps would no longer enjoy diplomatic privileges before the combined fleet was disbanded, because the two sides had entered a state of war.

Although the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee did not declare war, but only raised the issue of self-defense under the guise of defense, the consuls of various countries stationed in Hankou did not recognize this, even the German Consul General in Hankou believed that the self-defense claim lacked basis. However, after the British recognized Wuhan as a belligerent group, Wuhan's self-defense claim became valid.

Under such circumstances, the countries had to temporarily abandon the principle of unity among the great powers, because the British had changed course too quickly, and the other countries simply could not keep up.

For example, the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee advocated declaring war on Russia and demanded that Russian diplomats hand over Russian military weapons, Russian property in China, and the return of Russian concessions. Russia could not accept Britain's new position. On January 3, 1905, the Russian consulate in Hankou was forced to close, and Russians in Hubei and Hunan provinces were deported to Beijing via the Luhan Railway.

With no Russians left in Hankou, negotiations with Wuhan within the consular corps were no longer possible. The Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee's drastic actions shocked the various powers in Hankou, and the attitude of the Japanese Consul General in Hankou finally softened. Japan had the second largest number of expatriates in Wuhan after Germany, and due to Wuhan's rapid development, Japanese businesses had significant interests there; sales of Japanese coal and cotton yarn in Wuhan had always been very good.

Although Japanese merchants encouraged the Japanese navy to patrol the Yangtze River regularly, which would allow Chinese officials along the river to provide more convenience for Japanese businesses, Japanese merchants, after all, had come from the era of the Tokugawa shogunate and knew what privileged merchants were. Therefore, they would not hesitate to use force whenever they could gain benefits.

However, Japanese merchants were also a class that bullied the weak and feared the strong; merchants who did not respect power could not become privileged merchants. When Japanese merchants realized that the Japanese navy could not protect their interests in Hubei and Hunan and could potentially become a pretext for the Chinese to expel them, their stance changed.

Both coal and cotton yarn are closely linked to the navy, which is a major reason why the navy is happy to accept these Japanese merchants' requests to continuously strengthen patrols along the Yangtze River. However, Japanese merchants also prioritize their own interests. If Japan had the upper hand and Chinese resistance could be easily crushed by the Japanese army, they would naturally be willing to give up immediate benefits to support the military. But after Britain shifted its stance and Germany's attitude became increasingly similar to that of Wuhan, Japanese merchants were no longer willing to take the risk.

As the Japanese business representative told Asano Susumu Yorikawa, the Japanese consul in Hankou, "The businesses that Japan can do are actually things that other countries and Chinese people can do as well. It's just that Japanese goods are cheaper than European and American goods, but they are of better quality than Chinese goods. In addition, Japanese and Chinese cultures share the same origin, so we are able to make a name for ourselves here."

However, the fraudulent activities of some rogues and unscrupulous merchants against the Chinese in the past have greatly damaged the reputation of Japanese businesses. This time, Chinese merchants are boycotting Japanese goods in the name of patriotism. If we withdraw now, we will probably find it very difficult to return here in the future, let alone enter the Sichuan region.

We firmly oppose mixing politics and business, which would ultimately lead to a confrontation between Japan and China. This would not only damage Japan-China relations but also hand over the Chinese market to Europe and the United States.

According to some Chinese friends, Germans and Americans are currently negotiating with the committee, seemingly involving a $50 million construction project. If this cooperation goes through, Japan will be squeezed out of the Chinese market by Germany and the United States…

Lai Chuan Asanosuke was also deeply anxious about the current situation in Wuhan. Previously, he had a good relationship with the Huguang Governor-General's Office, after all, many of the young and promising figures from Huguang, including Tian Junyi, were former students who had studied in Japan. Although the Huguang Governor-General's Office had close cooperative relations with Germany, after the Qing government promoted the New Policies on the return of Chinese students to Japan, the number of Chinese students studying in Japan increased exponentially, to the point that even those Japanese who were previously considered nobody started language schools and so-called crash courses.

According to diplomats like Asanosuke Raikawa, these students studying in Japan were the best way to expand Japan's influence in China, and they believed that once they returned home, they would inevitably become pro-Japanese. However, with the signing of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, the interests of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance were elevated to the position of Japan's highest interests, and Japan's diplomacy lost its independence.

For example, after the Wuhan Mutiny broke out, Japan lost its right to remain neutral and was forced to unconditionally side with Britain on the issue of protecting its citizens, thus losing any room for maneuver with Wuhan. This essentially meant that all previous overtures to the Hubei-Hunan Governor-General's Office had been wasted. Before this, Japan's army and navy had been trying to exert influence over the Hubei New Army.

While Japanese diplomats were grappling with Japan's China policy, Qin Lishan bluntly retorted to the French consul who came to exert pressure: "I think your consul should worry more about Sino-French relations than about the Belgians. Russia is an ally of France, and theoretically, we could also declare war on your country."

The French consul initially thought the Chinese man before him had gone mad, daring to provoke France after declaring war on Russia. However, Qin Lishan quickly added, "Between Germany and France, we support Germany. Therefore, a war between China and France is inevitable, either before or after Germany declares war on France. I'm quite curious how your Consul still has time to consider land transactions for the Belgians."

Finally provoked, the French consul said, "Do you think that just because war breaks out in Europe, you can humiliate the French Republic here? First, war may not break out in Europe; second, even if war does break out, it will end sooner or later. Will Germany still support you in fighting France then?"

Qin Lishan retorted, "Even if Germany doesn't support us, you haven't defeated us. If Li Hongzhang hadn't betrayed our country's interests, what right would France have to enjoy privileges in East Asia? Besides, even if we were to declare war on France now, could you really send troops to Asia? If your country could send a large army to the East, then we could sit down and discuss the issue of the land held by the Belgians."

France, of course, could not send an army to support the Belgians, nor could it even support Russia getting bogged down in a war in the Far East. Negotiations between the French consul and Qin Lishan ultimately broke down, and the Belgians finally accepted Qin Lishan's offer to redeem the land for ten times the price. When the Russians were expelled, both the Belgian and French consuls chose to leave voluntarily.

The Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee took over the Russian concession in Hankou with great fanfare, and quietly took over the French concession as well. The property of the French consulate and French merchants was not confiscated. Although the Japanese consul chose to hold out, he was forced to order his armed personnel to withdraw from Hankou. The Japanese concession in Shashi was taken back by the Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee. Although the Japanese concession in Hankou was not taken back, its privileges were denied by the Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee.

The Germans voluntarily relinquished their privileges in the German concession. While the British refused to return their concession, they, like the Japanese, withdrew their armed personnel. The British Consul General in Hankou did not leave; he needed to remain to negotiate with the Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee on the Tibetan issue. The American Consul also did not leave.

Therefore, after January 8th, the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee effectively revoked all the privileges of the Hankou concession and abolished the consular jurisdiction of the foreign powers in Hubei and Hunan. At the same time, Changsha also opened its doors to the Hubei army. Hunan Governor Lu Yuanding could not withstand the pressure from the Hubei New Army. Although some old gentry in Hunan advocated supporting the court, the capable soldiers of the Hunan army had been sent to Guangxi to suppress rebellions. The remaining local Green Standard Army and patrol battalions could only suppress secret society armed forces and were no match for the Hubei New Army, which was equipped with machine guns and artillery.

Unlike their restraints in Hubei, the New Army, upon entering Hunan, adopted a harsh approach to suppressing the reactionary gentry who resisted along the way. Meanwhile, the Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee dispatched cadres to launch a rent and interest reduction campaign in the area after the army's suppression. In Hubei, rent and interest reduction began in 1905, but in Hunan, the Committee demanded the return of any overpaid rent and interest from 1904. Those who refused were stripped of their land and barred from holding any public office.

Most progressive intellectuals in Hunan supported the Hubei Workers, Peasants and Soldiers Committee, especially after the committee reclaimed several concessions. After hearing of the Yi Army's defeat, the Qing army in Hunan gave up resistance. As a result, the Hubei New Army marched all the way to the outskirts of Changsha. The old gentry who had originally advocated resistance were forced to scatter, and Changsha became an undefended city.

Bi Yongnian, Huang Xing, and Song Jiaoren then established the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee in Changsha, seizing the power of the Hunan governor. Lu Yuanding felt he had nothing left to do, so he resigned. Bi Yongnian began to purge the conservative forces in the education sector, advocating that Hunan must enter a new era and learn new culture, while outdated studies such as Confucian classics were unnecessary.

Conservative gentry like Wang Xianqian and Ye Dehui were confined to their homes, while others attempted to form a Hunan constitutional group to echo the constitutionalists of Jiangsu and Zhejiang and reclaim power in Hunan. Nevertheless, shipping between Pingxiang and Wuchang had finally resumed. Although southern and western Hunan did not submit to the Hubei Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee, at least the combined coal and steel production at Hanyeping had been restored.

A tremendous upheaval was taking place in China, and India was also experiencing an earthquake. When the Chinese army entered Siliguri, it was during the Western Christmas holiday, followed by the New Year holiday. As a result, the Chinese stayed in Siliguri for a full five days before safely withdrawing. This event greatly shocked Indian nationalists and the British Indian government.

Chapter 258 Kou Song's Decision

On January 7, 1905, Robert Nathan, head of the special branch of the Calcutta Police, returned to Calcutta after concluding his investigation in Siliguri and then went to meet with Sir Curzon, the Governor-General of India.

The Governor's House is located on the east bank of the Hooghly River, not far from Fort William, in the heart of the White Quarter. By the early 19th century, Calcutta was divided into two parts: the White Quarter inhabited by white people and the Black Quarter inhabited by Indians.

These two names are not simply derived from the skin color of the two people, but also signify their social status. After Warren Hastings moved the Viceroy's residence to Calcutta in 1772, the British began to truly develop the city, attempting to establish a foothold. Thirty years later, the White Area boasted a cluster of British-style buildings and parks, making it resemble a palace compared to the surrounding Indian huts and mud houses. Thus, the White Area earned the reputation of being a "city of palaces."

Until the early 20th century, those who could afford to live in the White areas were mostly British and a small number of Indian elites; you would never see a beggar there. British red-brick buildings and Indian marble structures, nestled among patches of greenery and lawns, made it hard to imagine that such vast green spaces existed in the heart of a city with a population of nearly one million. These green spaces were, of course, off-limits to Indians; they were exclusively for the residents of the White areas, much like what the British did in China.

Although some Indian elites can live here, enjoy some of the public facilities in the white area, and even join some lower-class clubs, Indians are still a symbol of inferiority here. The highest-class clubs prohibit Indians from joining. For example, Sir Curzon's club was an all-British club. It is not uncommon in this area for British landlords who refuse to rent their houses to Indians.

From the British perspective, the White Area was essentially a British city, even though it was built on Indian soil, and the Indians there were considered outsiders. The area outside the White Area was merely a resting place for the lower classes who provided labor services to the White Area, and could not be considered part of the city. Therefore, when the Governor-General of India intended to convene a private gathering of India's elite civil servants, these elites had to change into Khamsama attire, not their everyday clothes.

"Kansama" means servant or attendant. This means that outside of work hours, even Indian government officials were considered servants to the Governor-General of India; they couldn't have the same level of equal interaction with the Governor-General as the British. However, the Indians had little to complain about, because the working class in London also couldn't have equal interaction with these British nobles; at least they had secured the same treatment as the London working class.

Robert Nathan was soon summoned by the governor, and upon meeting him, Nathan was astonished to find that Sir Curzon had aged considerably compared to nine days earlier. As a representative of those who were physically disabled but determined, Sir Curzon never showed his weakness in public, which made him extremely strong-willed. Knowing that his body was not suitable for riding, he was still an excellent rider.

Robert Nathan had served under Curzon for several years and naturally knew his character quite well. But now it seemed that the knight's psychological defenses had been breached by the Chinese. Nathan quickly looked away and reported his findings to the governor.

Nathan reported for nearly two hours. His investigation was indeed very thorough, covering almost every minute of the Chinese people's activities in Sicily. However, after listening to Nathan's report, Curzon did not feel any relief. He couldn't help but pick up the whiskey beside him and take a small sip before he felt a little better.

After setting down his glass, he looked at Nathan and said, "So, the so-called Chinese army is actually mostly composed of Sikhs who are under Chinese command? And these Sikhs are members of the Tibetan Expeditionary Force? The Sikhs have betrayed us?"

Under the governor's barrage of questions, Robert Nathan remained silent for a moment before nodding and replying, "That's the situation. Because of the presence of these Sikhs, the police in the city did not attempt to resist, and some even assisted the army. However, due to time constraints, I did not conduct any further investigation into the matter."

After taking a deep breath, Kou Song said, "These Chinese stayed there for five days. They spent the first three days investigating the case, one day sending telegrams, and another day waiting until our troops arrived outside the city before they withdrew?"

Nathan nodded and said, “Yes. It seems that the Chinese want to test our reaction speed and troop deployment speed. The area around Siliguri has always been safe. The army is stationed in Darjeeling and Assam, where there are only police. No one expected that there would be an attack there, especially during the Christmas holidays.”

After a long silence, Kou Song continued, "What cases did the Chinese solve?"

Nathan was trying to pick up his notebook to report the details of each case, but Curzon rudely interrupted him, saying, "I don't want to hear the specifics of the cases; I just want to know what types of cases they are. Criminal cases? Political cases? Or economic cases?"

Nathan put down his notebook and looked at the governor, saying, "The main cases are related to debt. The political prisoners have all been acquitted. Regarding the debts, the Chinese advocate that any debt with interest exceeding three times the principal need not be repaid, debts with interest reaching twice the principal should be waived by the creditor, and debts with interest below twice the principal should not have an annual interest rate exceeding 25%. For those debts that are truly impossible to repay, local taxes have been used to pay them off."

Both parties to the debt expressed general satisfaction, however, all remaining local taxes had been paid out, including taxes transported from Assam to Siliguri that hadn't yet been transferred to Kolkata, as well as some business remittances. Because the Chinese misappropriated these funds using the name of the Siliguri tax office, the locals considered this legal, and believed that Kolkata should bear the resulting losses…

Curzon raised his hand to interrupt Nathan, saying, "That's a matter for the Finance Committee, and I don't want to know about that. What I want to know now is, what did the Chinese take away? Since they spent all the money paying off the locals' debts."

Nathan hesitated for a moment before saying, "It's the files. The local tax office and court files have all been looted and taken back to Darjeeling by the Chinese. From this perspective, the Chinese withdrawal is only temporary; they will come back sooner or later."

Curzon knew Nathan was right. If the Chinese were only coming down from the mountains to loot, they wouldn't have helped the Indians below resolve their debt disputes or only taken the files. Such behavior was utterly despicable. He would actually prefer to see the Chinese commit arson, murder, and looting in Siliguri, just like the British did in Tibet. That way, the Indians wouldn't be able to stand idly by and watch the Chinese invade India.

Curzon had Nathan leave behind his investigation report and then convened the Administrative Council. The Administrative Council consisted of seven members: the Viceroy of India, the Commander-in-Chief, the Military Councilor, the Home Councilor, the Public Works Councilor, the Finance Councilor, and the Legal Councilor. All seven were British, and the Council's decisions were those of the British Indian government. The partition plan for Bengal was finalized at the Council.

Curzon presented Nathan's investigation report to the other six men, then asked the commander-in-chief, "Can we really wipe out this Chinese army? At the very least, we must recapture Darjeeling and Kalimpong, otherwise we will have a hard time stopping them from entering the Indian plains."

After a few seconds of silence, Viscount Kitchener replied, “Darjeeling and Kalimpong are mountainous regions, with a total area of ​​over 3000 square kilometers. In other words, even if we send 10,000 troops up the mountains, it would be difficult to capture the Chinese in such complex terrain. Most importantly, the failure of the Tibetan Expeditionary Force demonstrates the importance of logistics. We probably cannot sustain such a large army to wage guerrilla warfare against the Chinese in the mountains. The best course of action at present is to separate the mountainous and plain areas along the perimeter of the Indian plains, just like the long wall that separates Madhya Pradesh from the southern states.”

The others knew very well what the commander-in-chief meant by the long wall. It was a wall built by the British government to prevent the Madhya Pradesh from smuggling salt into the Deccan Plateau. The British had stationed 12000 soldiers behind this wall, thus severing the civilian connections between the Madhya Pradesh and the Deccan Plateau. In reality, the British were worried about the emergence of an anti-British center in the Deccan Plateau, which they had little control over.

Viscount Kitchener's proposal was tantamount to saying that isolating the Chinese in the mountains was better than going into the mountains to fight them. In order to protect the security of the Indian plains, even the state of Assam was neglected, since it was still in a relatively primitive tribal economy with almost no other industries besides tea plantations and logging.

Although Curzon had already planned to resign, he did not intend to give up the idea of ​​wiping out the group of Chinese who had crossed the Himalayas. As long as they remained active on Indian soil, they would become a source of ridicule for the British. The longer it dragged on, the more severe the damage to his political reputation would be.

Therefore, he couldn't help but ask, "It is certainly necessary to secure the Indian plains first, but can't we do something about these despicable pests? For example, ask the Nepalese to send troops to Sikkim?"

Kitchener looked at the governor and objected, saying, "We must rely on our own strength to defeat the Chinese, otherwise we cannot wash away the shame of Siliguri. Asking the Nepalese for help at this time will only be seen as weakness by the Indians, which is not a good idea. Moreover, the Nepalese are always cunning, and they will definitely use this to extort money from us."

The Commander-in-Chief might be right, but Curzon felt the other man had no idea of ​​the pressure he was under. If the Chinese were still alive and kicking before the new governor arrived, his time in India would be an indelible stain on his record. He rejected Kitchener's suggestion, saying, "To keep the Chinese in Darjeeling for even one more day would be the greatest humiliation to the British Empire. I would rather endure the Nepalese extortion than see the Chinese continue to stay there."

I proposed sending someone to request the Nepalese to send troops, no matter the cost. After dealing with the Chinese, we can show the Nepalese who truly rules this land…”

Chapter 259 Contract Workers

Kalimpong, in reality, can hardly be called a fortress; it's more of a mountain town, truly built on the mountainside, as there's practically no flat land, and houses are constructed in concentric circles from the mountaintop downhill. However, Kalimpong was the military and political center of British India in the Shannan region. It housed not only the British Commissioner's Office and garrison headquarters in Sikkim, but also schools specifically built by the British for the Shannan and Tibetan regions.

Nepal, Sikkim, and Tibet's understanding of Western culture typically began with sending their aristocratic sons to study there. Although Lhasa maintained a high degree of vigilance towards the British, this did not change the fact that Tibetan nobles in Gyantse and Bhutan sent their sons to Kalimpong to learn Western culture. This was because, with the growing British presence in the Shannan region, these nobles, who were closest to the British, realized that tradition could no longer protect them.

However, the appearance of the Chinese army here this time immediately made these clever nobles feel uneasy, as they felt they had placed their bets too early. For example, Ugyen Kaji, who had strongly advised Uyan Wangchuck to surrender to the British because Lhasa was no match for the British attack, was sent back to his hometown to guard his home after the Chinese army entered Kalimpong.

In contrast to these clever nobles, the more stubborn nobles who had previously resisted the change of fortunes were now facing a new situation. After being liberated, King Tudonanga immediately summoned the Sikkimese nobles who refused to cooperate with the British and began to purge the noble council of Gangtok.

After Britain occupied Sikkim, it placed King Thubtenam Gyaltsen under house arrest and exiled him to Darjeeling. A political council composed of pro-British nobles and monks was then formed, reporting to the British commissioner in Sikkim, White. When King Thubtenam Gyaltsen regained his freedom, he naturally sought to settle scores with these traitors. Lin Feng, unwilling to get his hands dirty, sent Ugyen Wangchuck with King Thubtenam Gyaltsen to retake Gangtok, while he himself led a small force down the mountain to negotiate with the British Indian government.

Although it had been almost ten days since he returned from the foot of the mountain, Lee Geun (Ahn Jung-geun) still felt like he was dreaming. He originally thought that crossing the Himalayas and attacking Kalimpong and Darjeeling was already a miracle, and that the most difficult part of the battle was probably the journey across the Himalayas, while there was almost no resistance when entering Kalimpong and Darjeeling.

For this, we should thank Major Philip Whitley. In order to reinforce Gyantse as much as possible, he withdrew the last of his mobile forces from Darjeeling and Kalimpong, leaving only police and some volunteers to maintain order in these two areas. When they entered Kalimpong, the locals thought they were troops returning from the front lines, and some even enthusiastically inquired about the situation there. However, this was not entirely the residents' fault, because the first to enter Kalimpong were a Sikh company wearing turbans and British uniforms.

The rest of the operation went smoothly. After cutting off the telegraph station, the British were taken out of their rooms and put into the barracks. The British barracks at Kalimpong were like a small castle, but they were also quite suitable for holding prisoners.

Since summer was over and winters in the mountains were very cold, most of the British had already gone down the mountain. The total number of British in Kalimpong was only a little over three hundred, and that was only because some logistics officers hadn't gone down. Normally, there shouldn't have been any British on the mountain before the Christmas holidays.

The same was true in Darjeeling. Apart from the British operating the railway, telegraph, and managing the military camps, the British on holiday and the tea plantation owners had all gone down the mountain. The entire Darjeeling area was deserted. The total number of British prisoners in these two areas was approximately 400. Adding some British sent from Gangtok, they had captured a total of 497 British in Sikkim. Fortunately, there were no women or children among them, otherwise managing them would have been much more difficult.

Despite capturing so many British, Li Gen, Li Tang, and the others who followed Lin Xinyi weren't particularly excited. They seemed to have already crossed a certain threshold, and their current victory felt somewhat deserved. It wasn't until Lin Xinyi charged onto the Indian plains again that Li Gen, who had followed him down the mountain, was once again energized.

This was the first time he had ever felt so agitated. The world's leading powers had actually been trampled underfoot. For a Korean, this was quite a shock. Just ten years ago, he had to watch Japan and the Qing Dynasty fight on his own soil for control of Korea. But today, he was standing on British soil, sending a telegram to the British demanding they leave India. He felt that his imagination was indeed somewhat lacking.

When they returned to Darjeeling, everyone suddenly realized that the British weren't so scary after all. They were just two hands, two legs, and one head, and they would fall under the Maxim machine gun just like everyone else. They would also obediently cooperate when faced with the threat of force. So-called gentlemanly manners obviously did not exist on the battlefield.

Li Gen walked into the Commissioner's Office in Kalimpong with the telegram. The three-story red brick building had become the office of Lin Xinyi and the Shannan Military and Political Committee. Lin Xinyi's office was on the second floor, his bedroom was on the third floor, and the Military and Political Committee's meeting room was on the first floor.

Generally speaking, the robust English architecture is actually quite suitable for winter living, especially since the British have installed fireplaces, which make the whole room warm once a fire is lit. Winters here are pretty much the same as in Seoul, except the snow isn't as thick.

When Li Gen knocked on Lin Xinyi's office door, he was talking to Charles Bell, the Deputy High Commissioner to Darjeeling. The 35-year-old Englishman was educated in Winchester and Oxford and joined the British Indian government in 1891. He had been working in India for 14 years. His father was also an official in the British Indian government.

Like most Britons, although not yet 40, Kobel was already balding. However, Lin Xinyi, who spoke with him, acknowledged that he was a remarkably capable British bureaucrat with extensive experience in administrative affairs. Lin Xinyi felt that elites from British bureaucratic families like this certainly possessed a certain family tradition of learning; at least Kobel had clearly described the British Indian government system to him.

Upon hearing the knock, Lin Xinyi ushered the man in and said to Charles Bell, “Mr. Bell, thank you very much for explaining to me the workings of the British Indian government these past two days.”

Now, let's talk about some substantive issues of cooperation. First, as the Deputy High Commissioner of Darjeeling, you should be familiar with the tea plantation situation in the Darjeeling region. Darjeeling's tea production accounts for about two to three percent of the total tea production in India, specifically in northern Bangladesh and Assam, and employs a workforce of about ten to twenty thousand people.

However, I think you should know that most of the labor force in these tea plantations comes from Nepal, and almost all of them are indentured workers who have been deceived into coming here. What is an indentured worker? According to the laws issued by the British Indian government, if an ordinary employer leaves his post without informing his employer, his employer can take him to civil court. But if an indentured worker does the same, the situation is completely different. His employer will take him to criminal court and sentence him to imprisonment.

Without the master's consent, a contract worker cannot be released from his contract, but the master can transfer the contract to another person. In other words, the difference between a slave and a contract worker is that one is sentenced to life imprisonment, while the other is sentenced to a fixed term. Relatively speaking, the latter is more miserable, because slaves at least have enough to eat, but contract workers in tea plantations cannot even meet their basic needs.

Even you requested the tea plantation owners to give those indentured workers an extra rupee each month so they could support themselves, since they go without pay for four months of the year due to lack of work, yet they cannot leave the tea plantation to find work to support themselves. The greatest kindness the tea plantation owners can show these indentured workers is a small plot of land to grow something to feed themselves.

According to our calculations, a typical free laborer in the city would earn about 7 pence a day for a male worker and 4.73 pence for a female worker. However, indentured laborers in the tea plantations could barely earn 2 pence a day. This was clearly an extremely inhumane form of slavery, and the Shannan Military and Political Committee could not tolerate its continued existence.

Charles Bell gave a wry smile and said, “Of course you have the right to do so. However, I would like to remind you that the people who made these rules are not here, and I hope you will not let the anger of those tea plantation contract workers be vented on irrelevant people.”

Lin Xinyi nodded and said, "Of course I know who made these rules—the tea plantation owners of the Indian Tea Association. But what I want to discuss with you is not the abolition of indentured labor, because that is a fundamental right of the people and does not require anyone's permission. What I want to talk to you about is the future management of the tea plantations."

Charles Bell looked at Lin Xinyi with some surprise, and after a long while asked, "What about the future management of the tea plantation? Do we need to discuss this issue?"

Lin Xinyi nodded to him and said, “I think it’s still necessary to discuss this. The British Indian government may be able to recover this place soon, but they may never be able to rule it again. So why can’t we talk about cooperation? The tea plantation owners want to protect their property, while we only want to defend the interests of the proletariat. At times, both sides can compromise.”

Charles Bell thought about it for a long time and finally admitted that Lin Xinyi's words made sense, because tea plantation owners could not put a guard under every tea tree. As long as the resistance existed in the mountains between Darjeeling and Kalimpong, tea plantation owners could not expect their tea plantations to be safe from harm. Cutting down trees was much easier than cutting down people.

He then tentatively inquired, "So how do you plan to discuss the management of the tea plantation?"

After thinking for a moment, Lin Xinyi said, “We acknowledge that the tea plantation owner’s investment in the tea plantation is effective, but we believe that the labor accumulated by the contract workers in the past is also an investment. In addition, this land belongs to the people of Sikkim, and land is certainly a form of capital. Therefore, the profits of the tea plantation should be divided into three parts: one part for the tea plantation owner, one part for the tea plantation workers, and one part for the people of Sikkim.”

If the British Indian government seeks a peaceful resolution with us, then tea plantation owners who want to reclaim their shares in the tea plantations will have to come here and renegotiate the ownership and profit distribution agreement for the tea plantations with the Shannan Military and Political Committee…”

Chapter 260 The Meeting Began

After the guards escorted Charles Bell back to the prisoner-of-war camp, Li Gen said to Lin Xinyi with some disapproval, "Would the British accept such a humiliating agreement after losing the war? I think it would be better to distribute the tea plantations to the tea plantation workers; they would definitely be more grateful to us."

Lin Xinyi picked up the telegram he had brought and began to read it, saying, "Tea is an economic crop; it is produced for the market, not for personal consumption. To date, India does not have a tea-drinking habit, and the market in Tibet is not large enough to accommodate the annual tea production of nearly 2 million pounds—I mean the entire tea production of India."

In other words, distributing tea gardens to workers means cutting down the tea trees and replacing them with grain crops, otherwise they wouldn't be able to survive. Areas suitable for tea cultivation are actually unsuitable for grain farming; otherwise, the Nepalese would have already converted them into rice terraces. Once survival becomes a problem, chaos will ensue.

A model that cannot be promoted down the mountain cannot incite 60 to 80 tea plantation workers to rise up and fight with us. Without their support, it means that we are truly fighting the British Empire independently.

For an imperialist, defeat is a disgrace, but for a capitalist, the pursuit of profit is everything. Britain is a major tea-consuming nation; afternoon tea is not only an elegant pastime for the aristocracy, but also an essential way for the British proletariat to replenish their energy.

British capitalists established tea plantations in India and Ceylon to lower tea prices; otherwise, they would have had to raise workers' wages. Therefore, within the socialized production chain constructed by the British, tea, like bread and sugar, served as a guarantee for maintaining relatively low labor costs.

Disrupting this production chain will trigger changes in the distribution of wealth throughout society. Simply put, in order to keep factories running, capitalists sometimes have no choice but to purchase raw materials at high prices, because shutdowns would result in greater losses for the factories.

Once British capitalists realize that the British army cannot help them maintain tea production in India, they will quickly accept an alternative model of tea production and profit distribution until the British army restores order. We are now providing them with a backup plan, which they will accept once they face reality.

As for the military and political committee, what we need is not the workers' gratitude, but to get them to rise up and defend their interests. Because their gratitude alone cannot sustain a long-term struggle against imperialism; only when they are willing to defend their interests can imperialism be prevented from returning.

Finally, globalization of production and consumption is a trend. Any nation or region that attempts to isolate itself will ultimately be crushed by capitalists who control global trade. We must join global trade to compete with capitalists for control over it. And as the leading power controlling global maritime power, global trade cannot bypass the British. Therefore, protection money still needs to be paid.

Li Gen felt his mind was completely crammed full. The amount of information in those words was so overwhelming that he momentarily lost his ability to think. After a long while, he finally said, "So, while we're shouting that we want to strike at British imperialism, we also want to maintain cooperation with them? Isn't that a bit contradictory?"