Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 29

This is why Lin Xinyi was willing to talk so much with the other party. If Kawahara didn't accept this theory, he would be the one who suffered. Kawahara himself was a loser in the naval competition, which is why he was assigned to the Naval Academy as its principal. If nothing unexpected happens, Kawahara will eventually be promoted to vice admiral before retirement, which is a consolation prize. Naval decisions will definitely have nothing to do with him.

Although he was able to return to the Naval General Staff this time, it did not change his predicament of being excluded from the naval decision-making level. Unless he could come up with a new theory of naval construction to gain the support of the entire navy, he could be considered to have returned to the naval decision-making level and thus truly have his own faction.

Despite his seemingly high and mighty position, Vice Minister Kawahara actually needed the support of an internal naval force to ensure he wasn't just a figurehead high-ranking officer but a member of an internal faction. Having accepted Hayashi Nobuyoshi's suggestion, Kawahara naturally became a high-level spokesperson for the naval seminar, thus clearing some obstacles for its development—a mutually beneficial arrangement for both parties.

Once the Kawara-Naval Research Association faction is formed, Lin Xinyi will no longer need Saigo's help on minor issues; the faction itself will resolve these problems for him. After all, Saigo is ultimately the chief representative of the Satsuma faction, and gaining the Satsuma faction's approval is no easy task for Lin Xinyi. It would be simpler for him to establish a new faction on his own.

Lin Xinyi patted his behind and left with a casual thank you, leaving Kawahara Kaname in the principal's office in a state of distress. This conversation was originally just to solidify the relationship between the two sides; he really hadn't intended to tie them tightly together. However, Lin Xinyi's proposal made Kawahara hesitate.

Kawahara was well aware that once he accepted Lin Xinyi's suggestion, he would be branded with the mark of the Naval Research Conference. To be honest, he didn't dislike the Naval Research Conference if he were the core of it, but the core of the Naval Research Conference was Lin Xinyi. Even though he was the principal of the Naval Academy, he couldn't interfere too much in the internal affairs of the Naval Research Conference now.

This created a rather strange situation: despite holding a higher position, he couldn't gain any real control at the naval seminar, managing only to win over a few members at best. This was a real headache for him.

Chapter 99 New Changes in Tokyo

Inside the Naval Ministry building in Kasumigaseki, Tokyo, the Naval General Staff occupies an entire floor. From a certain perspective, this illustrates the Naval General Staff's subordinate position to the Naval Ministry, making it incomparable to the Army's prestigious General Staff Headquarters.

Chief of the Naval General Staff, Ito Sukeyuki, summoned two of his subordinate bureau chiefs to his office to meet with the newly appointed Vice Minister, Kawahara Yoichi. After exchanging introductions, Kawahara's appointment was announced.

After his subordinates left, Ito Sukeyuki said to Kawahara somewhat apologetically, "Your office is being renovated, so you'll have to squeeze into the First Division for a while. The Military Command only has this one floor, so we can't make room for a new single office."

Faced with the predicament of the General Staff, Kawahara finally made up his mind. He took out a report from his briefcase and handed it to Ito Sukeyuki, saying, "Minister, the office is a small matter. I hope we can move forward with this work as soon as possible."

Ito Sukeyuki stared at Kawahara for a moment, surprised that the man was so eager to get to work so soon after taking office. But as a veteran in the Navy, he should know that the Naval General Staff really doesn't have much to do, because in peacetime everything in the Navy depends on the Ministry of the Navy. The Naval General Staff just formulates a few plans according to the Ministry of the Navy's decisions.

However, not wanting to clash with Kawahara who had just returned to the central government, he silently reached out and took the report from the other's hand. Seeing the words on the cover, Ito Sukeyuki paused for a few seconds, but ultimately said nothing and opened the report to read it. At first, Ito Sukeyuki skimmed through it, but soon he sat up straight and carefully read through each page.

Kawahara sat patiently to the side and waited. After the clock in the corner had struck half an hour, Ito Sukeyuki finally closed the report. After carefully considering his words, he said to Kawahara, "This is indeed a good plan, but you seem to want the Naval General Staff to push it through, bypassing the Ministry of the Navy. This will add a lot of obstacles."

Kawahara Yoichi looked at Ito Sukeyuki seriously and said, "Although going around the Ministry of the Navy will create many obstacles, if we succeed, the Naval General Staff will have a budget that is not controlled by the Ministry of the Navy. We can build a Naval General Staff building and move out of the Ministry of the Navy. If we work with the Ministry of the Navy to push this through, the budget we get will ultimately not go to the Naval General Staff. The Ministry of the Navy likes to hoard things."

Although Ito Sukeyuki supported Minister Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, as the head of the Naval General Staff, he was also dissatisfied with the staff's status. Not only him, but everyone in the Naval General Staff was dissatisfied with the status quo. This was because once the Naval General Staff had a dispute with the Ministry of the Navy, the officials of the Ministry of the Navy would ridicule the officials of the Naval General Staff, believing that the Naval General Staff was just a subordinate agency of the Ministry of the Navy and had no right to question the orders of the Ministry of the Navy.

The Naval Ministry bureaucrats deliberately changed the Naval General Staff from a subordinate agency of the Minister of the Navy to a subordinate agency of the Naval Ministry, thus lowering the Naval General Staff's rank by one level. The confidence of the Naval Ministry bureaucrats comes from the fact that the Naval General Staff does not have a separate budget and is currently just a unit housed in the Naval Ministry building, so it is naturally regarded as a subordinate agency of the Naval Ministry.

Ito Sukeyuki was psychologically able to accept the plan. Compared to the pros and cons of helping Korea build a navy, it was naturally more important for the Naval General Staff to have a separate budget. With the strength of the Japanese navy, no matter how much Korea built its navy, it would be in vain. Moreover, the Naval General Staff's goal was to turn this navy into an auxiliary fleet of the Japanese navy, which further reduced the threat.

What Ito Sukeyuki hesitated about was that if he bypassed the Ministry of the Navy and submitted the report directly to the Imperial Household, it would cause Yamamoto Gonnohyōe to become dissatisfied with him. If the report was approved by the Imperial Household, it would be fine, as there would be a separate budget, and the Naval General Staff would be much less constrained by the Minister of the Navy. However, if it was not approved, the Naval General Staff would have an even more difficult time in the future.

Just as Ito Sukeyuki hesitated, Kawahara suddenly spoke up: "Compared to the army's increasingly strong desire to resolve the Korean issue by force, the navy's proposal of such a plan can not only reduce the possibility of conflict on the Korean Peninsula, but also conform to His Excellency Ito's diplomatic philosophy of easing tensions between Japan and Russia."

The minister can submit the report to Lord Saigo first. Once Lord Saigo approves the report, there shouldn't be any objections within the palace, and Minister Yamamoto will find it difficult to blame the minister afterwards.

Ito Sukeyuki quickly understood Kawahara's meaning. After he showed it to Saigo Tsugumichi, if Saigo didn't inform Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, then Yamamoto Gonnohyōe couldn't blame him, because blaming him would be an expression of dissatisfaction with Saigo. After pondering for a while, he said, "Are you sure Lord Ito will support this report?"

Kawahara nodded slightly and said, "This is better than the plan of the army to keep increasing its troop strength in Korea. Once the army's troop strength in Korea exceeds a certain limit, then a conflict with Russia will be inevitable. Because the Russians are not stupid, they will think that we are increasing our troops in Korea while making peace with them."

After thinking for a moment, Ito Sukeyuki said, "I'll contact Lord Saigo's secretary first to see when he'll be available. Then we'll go visit him together..."

Inside Ito's official residence, Finance Minister Watanabe Kunitake excitedly reported to Ito: "...Since the launch of the Greater Tokyo Metropolitan Area plan at the beginning of the year, land prices in Greater Tokyo have risen by nearly 30%, and judging from the current trend, the rise in land prices will continue for at least a long time."

We issued 5000 million yen in new banknotes due to rising land prices, but this did not cause market turmoil. The price increases were quite moderate. However, this increased money supply, coupled with the economic boom brought about by land development, is reversing the previous economic stagnation. The financial sector, industry, and landowners are all satisfied, and the public has few complaints…”

Listening to Watanabe's report, Ito was naturally pleased. After succeeding Yamagata in forming a cabinet, he realized that Yamagata's resignation was probably not solely due to the diplomatic predicament caused by the Kita-Seisho incident. Compared to a year ago, Japan's renewed economic recession was a much bigger problem. Yamagata realized he couldn't solve this problem, so he voluntarily resigned under the pretext of diplomatic issues. From this perspective, Yamagata's decision to ask Ito to succeed him in forming a cabinet may not have been motivated by good intentions.

However, the combination of the foreign exchange settlement system, the Greater Tokyo Metropolitan Area Development Plan, and the yen issuance plan saved the Ito Cabinet. Even Finance Minister Watanabe Kunitake did not expect that this combination of fiscal policies, which had no precedent in Europe, could actually stimulate Japan's economic recovery and prosperity.

Since the Meiji Restoration, Japan has consistently strived to expand foreign trade as a growth engine for its economy. Among the key areas of foreign trade, raw silk was a major focus. By improving raw silk varieties and employing scientific management methods, Japan greatly enhanced the quality of its raw silk, thereby gaining a high reputation in the European market.

Conversely, Japan's raw silk exports were mainly to European countries. While this brought Japan a lot of money during Europe's economic boom in the 1890s, the European market for raw silk products, as luxury goods, shrank after the industrial crisis that broke out in Europe in 1900-1901.

As a result, the economic crisis that broke out in Europe also hit the Japanese economy. At this time, the Japanese business community was also seeking a way to transform, such as opening up new Japanese raw silk markets in the United States, further accelerating investment in the construction of the Japanese cotton textile industry, and making China the main sales target for Japanese cotton fabrics.

However, such industrial transformation is obviously not something that can be accomplished in a day or two. At this time, the land development plan proposed by the Ito Cabinet, which uses domestic real estate development to drive the development of Japanese industries, became a powerful and effective boost.

In just one year, the Japanese economy had emerged from its slump under the implementation of the Tokyo Metropolitan Area Plan and began to recover from the economic growth that followed the Sino-Japanese War. This economic improvement also significantly boosted the approval ratings of the Ito Cabinet, and the Democratic Party was no longer able to incite public opinion to attack the corruption of several bureaucrats within the Ito Cabinet.

For the Constitutional Political Friends Association, the first cabinet achieved a successful start, which suppressed some internal conflicts within the party. After all, if a political party has a future, internal conflicts will naturally ease.

After listening to the report, Ito Hirobumi nodded to Watanabe Kunitake and said, "So, as long as war doesn't break out, Japan's economy will have a few good years?"

Watanabe Kunitake nodded and said, "Yes, given the current economic development, completing the construction of the Greater Tokyo Metropolitan Area is of paramount importance. If construction is interrupted due to the war, the domestic economy will face significant problems. This is because the currency we are currently issuing and the funds we are investing in infrastructure are based on the continuous rise in land prices. If land prices stagnate, the newly issued currency will face a currency exchange crisis, and the funds invested in infrastructure will not be recovered, resulting in a double blow to the national treasury."

After listening, Hirobumi Ito nodded and said, "In diplomacy, we should continue to ease relations with Russia. As long as we can get through the construction period of the Greater Tokyo Area, Japan will have the economic foundation to confront Russia, which is much more advantageous than taking the risk now..."

As urban construction began in Tokyo, the Workers' Party's branch there paid close attention to this development. Unlike other revolutionary parties that focused solely on violently overthrowing the Qing government, the Workers' Party was now beginning to learn how to build and govern a nation. They viewed the Tokyo metropolitan area development plan as an excellent model, as their leaders, having gained Zhang Zhidong's trust, were authorized to advance the urban development of the three towns of Wuhan.

The Tokyo branch of the Labor Party continuously sent data on Tokyo's urban development back to China, which gave Tian Junyi a clearer goal for the planning of the three towns of Wuhan.

Chapter 100 The Siemens Family

Every Christmas, Siemens family members scattered throughout Europe return to the Obergut farm for a joyous gathering. It is not only a big day for the family to get together, but also a time for family members to come together to offer suggestions and discuss the company's development in the coming year.

After enjoying the Christmas roast goose feast, Carl Heinrich called his two nephews, Arnold Siemens and George Wilhelm Siemens, to his study. He then took out a telegram and said to them, "It seems we need someone to go to China in person."

Arnold took the telegram from his uncle and began to read it. Young William, still somewhat confused, asked, "Why go to China? Don't we already have representatives there? Is there some project so big that he can't handle it?"

After quickly reading the telegram, Arnold answered his brother's question, "The Chinese don't want to talk to us about a single project; they need a comprehensive plan for industrial development, as well as standards for China's industrial development. This is indeed worth a trip to China, but Uncle and I can't leave for the time being, so let George go."

Carl Heinrich looked at the young Wilhelm and said, "China today is probably even more backward than St. Petersburg was when I visited it, but that's precisely why such a country has so much room for development."

Looking at St. Petersburg now, it's no different from any other European city. Our company has also made great strides in St. Petersburg. The only regret is that Siemens was too weak back then, so we didn't get the biggest share of the construction pie in St. Petersburg.

However, since the Chinese have this idea, we won't miss this opportunity. China's population is three times that of Russia, and China doesn't have a single city like St. Petersburg or Moscow, so this is Siemens' chance. If we can build a St. Petersburg or Moscow in China, then Siemens will become a behemoth in the Far East.”

Young George William didn't actually want to travel that far. In his view, China and Germany's colonies in Africa were probably no different, with no trace of modern civilization except for lions and zebras.

For him, spending a few days each year at Obergut Farm to enjoy the countryside was the limit. After all, at least there was electricity there. What was the difference between sending him to a country without sanitation facilities and electricity and going on an adventure in the African jungle? He didn't want to leave his familiar life, so he tried to convince his uncle and brother that things in China weren't as wonderful as they seemed, especially since the Chinese had just killed a German diplomat.

However, Karl Heinrich confidently told his nephew, "Don't worry, there's no more barbaric people in the world than the Russians, but we still brought them the light of civilization. The Chinese are much weaker than the Russians; didn't General Waldersee conquer them with just tens of thousands of men?"

Besides, you're going to central China, where there's never been a Boxer Rebellion. The German consul in Hankou said that place has always been safe; the local governor protects foreigners very well, and the locals aren't as barbaric as the northern Chinese—they're quite docile. So, as long as you don't wander off, no one will harm you. And…”

Karl Heinrich paused, leaned back on his thick oak desk, and thought for a moment before saying, "Moreover, the Chinese negotiating with us are not foolish; on the contrary, they are quite clever. They proposed the concept of industrial standards. This means using industrial standards to block other non-compliant purchases, which is exactly what we need."

Think about it: we set the standards together with the Chinese, and manufacturers in other countries would have to change their production methods to meet those standards, which would be a significant expense. In most cases, they would choose to give up the competition, thus giving us a head start in capturing the Chinese market.

Conversely, if manufacturers from other countries were to jointly develop industry standards with the Chinese, we would be in trouble. We certainly can't miss such an opportunity. Therefore, I need someone decisive enough to go to China and see what results we can achieve with the Chinese; otherwise, if we have to send telegrams back from China every time for instructions, the opportunity will slip through our fingers…”

George William Siemens ultimately failed to persuade his uncle and brother, and had to bid farewell to his family after the New Year, heading to Hanover train station to take a train to Paris, then transfer to Marseille, and from Marseille to take a ship to China.

For him, it was indeed a long journey. It only took three days to get from Hanover to Marseille, but a full 37 days to get from Marseille to Shanghai. Apart from the breathtaking scenery along the way, there was really nothing else to see.

What struck him as absurd was that Shanghai wasn't his final destination; he still needed to travel by ship upstream along the Yangtze River for four to five days to reach his destination. He learned from Siemens' representative in Shanghai that Wuhan was merely located in central China, not at the other end. He finally realized that this country was comparable in size to the United States and Russia.

But after leaving Shanghai, he suddenly realized that the country was still in the pre-industrial era. The countryside here showed no trace of civilization and seemed to still be living in the Middle Ages. Only the occasional steamship on the Yangtze River broke the stagnant scene on both sides of the river and brought him back to the real world.

Fortunately, when he arrived in Hankou, the sight of the European-style tree-lined riverside avenue reassured him that at least he wouldn't be living in the countryside. The German Consul General, the Siemens representative in Hankou, representatives from Deutsche Bank, and local German business representatives all welcomed George Wilhelm Siemens' arrival.

There were approximately 2000 European expatriates in Hankou, including more than 200 German expatriates. In fact, half of the German expatriates had evacuated from various parts of Hubei and Hunan. Although there was no Boxer Rebellion in the south, after the Allied Forces occupied Beijing, the Chinese in the south began to show hostility towards Europeans and church forces, which forced these missionaries and merchants who were originally in the local areas to temporarily withdraw to Hankou, and they have not been able to return to this day.

In his interactions with these German expatriates, Wilhelm discovered that their assessments of the Chinese were highly contradictory. In their descriptions, the Chinese were both arrogant and self-deprecating, both intelligent and foolish, both brave and cowardly. In short, they were an enigmatic people, whose character could not be easily discerned like that of other nations.

William Siemens spent nearly a week in his residence within the concession, finally recovering from the fatigue of his long journey, before engaging in negotiations with the Chinese. However, during the negotiations, he criticized all the suggestions put forward by the Chinese, and his attitude suggested that he was not there to cooperate, but rather to sabotage the negotiations.

William Siemens' attitude not only displeased the Chinese negotiators, but also aroused the suspicion of Siemens' representative in Hankou. So, after William finished the third day of negotiations, on his way back to his residence, the representative asked him about his true attitude towards the negotiations.

William Siemens looked at the company's representative in China and said, "Although this is my first time in China, I have heard too many stories about foreigners' experiences in China in the past few days."

In essence, this country is no different from the Ottoman and Russian Empires; they don't respect commercial contracts, and power is everything. Therefore, what we need is not commercial guarantees, but rather to know who among these Chinese truly holds the power to make decisions.

Get to know him, and then have an honest conversation with him; his attitude is the key to truly deciding this negotiation. Guarantees from others are meaningless, even if they've signed them. Because those in power in this country can have anyone who signs at any time; we can't rely on a dead person to guarantee our interests.

Of course, the German Empire was powerful enough to suppress the rulers of this country, but we are ultimately in business, and it's unrealistic to expect the military to protect our interests at all times…”

Tian Junyi, who was busy setting up the organization to promote the new policies, had already been appointed by Zhang Zhidong as the main planner of the Huguang New Policies. Apart from military and political reforms, he was responsible for organizing and promoting other reform measures, with economic construction being his primary focus. For example, before returning to Wuhan, he had already negotiated with the British, who sent an architect to provide guidance on urban planning.

After returning to Wuhan, he was busy with British engineers surveying the terrain of the three towns of Wuhan and planning the three areas of Wuchang, Xiakou and Hanyang. As a result, he did not have time to participate in the negotiations with the Germans. The main person in charge of the negotiations with the Germans was Yang Quyun.

After hearing Yang Quyun say that the negotiations had reached a stalemate, he inquired carefully about the negotiation process over the past two days before saying to Yang Quyun, "Then let's suspend the negotiations tomorrow and invite Mr. Siemens to tour the three towns of Wuhan. I will personally accompany him."

Although Yang Quyun didn't know what Tian Junyi was planning, he still followed his advice and invited William. William was quite interested in the Chinese invitation. He had been in Wuhan for more than ten days, but he hadn't left the concession yet. Although the concession was very comfortable, it was still a bit small. Being able to go out and get some fresh air would at least make his trip to China worthwhile.

The concessions were built along the Yangtze River, and the town center of Xiakou was actually on the banks of the Han River. William walked into this old street, which was said to have a history of over a thousand years, out of curiosity. To be honest, these old streets were very similar to old towns in Europe. However, after the old towns in Europe had their roads repaired and their water systems renovated, they became cleaner. In contrast, the old towns in China were still in their original state. This made William feel a little regretful. He felt that he should have brought a camera to take pictures of this place as a memento.

As they strolled along the old street, several young men suddenly joined them. Through a translator's introduction, William met a young man named Tian Junyi, who introduced himself as a staff member of the governor. This staff member then invited him to climb the city wall of Hankou to see the panoramic view of the city, and William gladly accepted.

Chapter 101 Dream

Standing atop the red stone walls of Hankou Fortress, one sees a vast expanse of lakes and fields beyond. Only a railway line extending eastward from the Jade Belt Gate and Xunli Gate breaks the seemingly pristine landscape outside the city. Of course, in springtime, the flocks of birds gathering on the lake offer a unique and charming scene.

As Wilhelm Siemens admired the pristine waterside ecology that was rarely seen in Germany, the coastal marshes of northern Germany began to disappear after the construction of the Kaiser Wilhelm Canal, and began to enter the period of modern town construction. If it were ten years ago, so many waterbirds could still be seen hunting and flying over the northern marshes.

The Chinese man standing next to him suddenly said, “Starting from this city wall beneath our feet, and extending to the edge of the largest lake in the north, will be the new urban area of ​​Hankou. We will build a long dike from the Han River in the west to the Yangtze River in the east to keep out floods. In this way, the urban area of ​​Hankou can be expanded seven times.”

After listening to the translator's account, William nodded reservedly and said, "This is indeed a very ambitious goal. If it is completed, it will be comparable to the Miracle of Berlin. Berlin is our capital, and our country has devoted 30 years to building it into one of the most advanced cities in Europe. Even with our country's industrial strength, this is a miracle."

Tian Junyi could sense the other party's distrust of his proposed plan, but he did not refute it. Instead, he continued, "I have been working with the British engineer Moore for the past few months to survey the construction route of the causeway. In ten days, the causeway project will begin, and the city wall beneath our feet will be demolished and used as construction materials for the causeway."

William didn't find anything wrong with the plan, but it wasn't exactly groundbreaking either, so he simply listened politely. Just then, Tian Junyi changed the subject, saying to him, "Mr. Siemens, have you ever considered building a city here that represents the power of Siemens?"

William, somewhat taken aback, withdrew his gaze from the lake view outside the city, then turned to Tian Junyi and said, "The city that represents Siemens?"

Tian Junyi shook his head and said, "It is a city that represents the power of Siemens. Siemens is indeed quite famous in the research of electricity and telegraph, and even has a good reputation in steelmaking. However, Siemens is only a good company in Europe and cannot be called the Siemens of Europe. As for the world, it is even less so."

We are willing to make this new city a showcase of Siemens' strength, so that when people see this city for the first time, they will think of Siemens, and then Siemens will truly become a world-class enterprise. This is Siemens' first city, and also my country's first modern city, but it will certainly not be my country's last city.

As you've probably already seen, a new railway is extending from here to the capital in the north. The cities, large and small, connected by this railway will all be modeled after this city beneath our feet. This is where our partnership with Siemens began.

Wilhelm Siemens admitted that the young Chinese man's words did have a persuasive power, almost making him agree. However, out of German pride, he wouldn't allow himself to surrender to a Chinese man so quickly, so he suppressed his imagination about a city that represented Siemens' technological power—an imagination that was indeed too tempting.

Just as his father saw the great potential of the telegraph and founded Siemens, he could imagine what it would mean to build a city that represented Siemens' technological level. This would not only open up the market for Siemens in the Far East, but would also make Siemens the hope for all backward countries to transform themselves. Most importantly, by building such a city, Siemens could further integrate the power of German industry, thereby expanding Siemens' influence once again.

Such a city, and countless others like it, is clearly not something Siemens alone can accomplish; it inevitably requires the integration of the German industrial sector. This integration would make Siemens a leader in German industry, and even in the financial sector. This was indeed a damnable suggestion, one that Siemens could hardly resist.

William, his mind racing with the Chinese proposal, said without a change in expression, "It sounds quite good. But does your country have the economic strength and determination? Without these two things, a dream will remain just a dream; it can never become a reality."

Tian Junyi turned to look at the distant lake and said with a smile, "Actually, Siemens isn't our best choice. If it weren't for the strength of Germany, I would prefer an American company. After all, they've already built New York City. Compared to European companies, Americans seem to have more experience in how to quickly build an industrial city."

As for our country's economic strength and our determination, I believe Mr. William will have no doubts when the construction of that causeway begins. With or without foreign help, we will build this city; the only difference is whether it will be faster or slower.

But for Siemens, the loss will be a future. What other country in the world would be willing to offer an entire city to demonstrate its power to you? Even Germany couldn't do that, because Germany has more than just Siemens.

“Ha, ha.” William Siemens laughed a few times, then said, “Your name is Mr. Tian, ​​right? You did tell a wonderful fairy tale. Thank you very much for your hospitality today. The scenery in Hankou is indeed beautiful, but I am a little tired. Let’s end our tour here today.”

Watching William Siemens descend the city wall with his entourage, Yang Quyun said to Tian Junyi with a worried expression, "This German doesn't seem interested in our suggestions. Do we really have to make more concessions to them?"

Watching the German's retreating figure, Tian Junyi felt a sense of reassurance. He said to him, "Don't rush. The most important thing right now is to complete the land acquisition. After the long dike is built, nearly 60 square kilometers of land between the city wall and the dike will become the new urban area. The premium on this land will serve as the initial funding for urban construction. Even if the Germans are unwilling to cooperate deeply with us, we can simply divide the urban construction into several parts and contract them out to companies from different countries. We can learn gradually. Consider it tuition..."

Wilhelm Siemens was not as calm as he appeared. Upon returning home, he instructed the company's representative in Hankou to inquire about the identity of Mr. Tian and his position within the Governor-General's office in Huguang. Soon after, he went to the German consulate to prepare a telegram to send home. He initially wrote a lengthy draft, but later discarded it, dissatisfied. He then took a new sheet of paper, pondered for a long time, and wrote down a single sentence: "There is a group of idealists here; Siemens should stand with ideals."

After descending from the city wall, Tian Junyi returned to the Governor-General's Office in Wuchang from Hankou to report to Zhang Zhidong on the progress of the dike construction in Hankou. Zhang Zhidong nodded in agreement, saying, "The gentry and common people of Hankou have mentioned the construction of the long dike to me many times, but I haven't had the funds to start it at the moment. It's truly excellent that we've taken advantage of the opportunity to process the Central Bank loan to get the dike construction underway."

You mentioned wanting to acquire the land between the city wall and the long dike as land reserves for urban development, and also wanting to drive up land prices through urban construction to repay the investment in urban development. I don't object to any of that, but isn't your current land acquisition price a bit too high?

Depending on the distance from the city walls, the land price per mu ranged from 30 to 150 taels. Others suggested that half that price would be enough to buy the land. Some areas were practically worthless because they were constantly flooded…

Zhang Zhidong was indeed troubled by money matters. He always felt there wasn't enough money when implementing his new policies, so he constantly resorted to borrowing from Peter to pay Paul, eventually even having to transfer the Hanyang Ironworks to Sheng Xuanhuai. Faced with Tian Junyi's extravagant spending, especially since the money was borrowed from foreign reparations, Zhang Zhidong was somewhat uneasy. However, he also knew that Tian Junyi was more capable financially than his other advisors; otherwise, he wouldn't have been able to secure so many benefits for Huguang. Therefore, he entrusted Tian Junyi with economic matters.

Faced with Zhang Zhidong's concerns, Tian Junyi confidently replied, "It's not just half the price. If we were to forcibly requisition the land in Your Excellency's name, we could recover even a third of the price. However, this wouldn't do Your Excellency any good for your reputation, since Your Excellency is promoting new policies to improve the lives of the people, not to make them even poorer."

After the long dike was built, the newly enclosed land would certainly not suffer from flooding, but it would no longer be able to be used as farmland. These areas would become industrial, commercial, and residential areas after the expansion of Xiakou City. The land value in the old Xiakou town area was about 2.4 taels per mu, while the land value in the concession area was 3.6 to 4.8 taels per mu.

Why are the land values ​​in these areas so high? Because of the commerce and docks. Therefore, if we were to develop the heart of Hankou into a new urban area, even if the price could rise to an average of five or six thousand taels per mu, the land price would increase tenfold. Compared to the current cost of purchasing land, that would be a drop in the ocean. Why would Your Excellency tarnish your reputation?

Zhang Zhidong's brows immediately relaxed considerably. As someone from the Qingliu faction, he actually valued his reputation quite a bit, because it was his weapon against powerful governors like Li Hongzhang. If it really came down to fighting them head-on, he couldn't be compared to Li Hongzhang and Liu Kunyi, because those two were backed by the same faction.

From this perspective, his choice of Tian Junyi to lead the new economic policies was indeed the right one; at least the latter clearly understood what he needed. Tian Junyi then added, "Moreover, raising land acquisition prices not only silences the people's discontent with the authorities but also eliminates speculative attempts by others to compete with us for land."

In addition, we do not intend to pay all of it in cash. Instead, we will pay half in cash and the other half in government bonds issued by banks. This will not only reduce cash expenditures but also make the newly established central bank immediately accepted by the people.

Moreover, once the new urban area is planned, residents with cash on hand will inevitably try to invest in its construction, allowing us to recoup some funds and accelerate urban development…”

After listening to Tian Junyi's explanation, Zhang Zhidong finally nodded and said, "Since you've thought of everything so thoroughly, Junyi, then go ahead and do it. I will definitely back you up. However, since you're here today, there's one more thing I need to ask you. In your report last time, you said that of the 100 million taels of silver we borrowed, a quarter was invested in the Hanyeping Company, a quarter in transportation construction in Huguang, a quarter in water conservancy construction in Huguang, and the remaining quarter in education. Isn't investing too much money in education? The other projects can be recouped, but education won't be recouped anytime soon."

Tian Junyi replied, “Sir, if the great powers were to invade again with the Eight-Nation Alliance, the Hanyeping Company would be destroyed, roads could be ruined, and water conservancy projects could be destroyed, but they could not take away the knowledge in our minds.”

As long as we have educated talent, even if the great powers destroy everything, we can rebuild. Otherwise, no matter how well we rebuild now, it will only be an unrepeatable miracle. Education is not for today, but for tomorrow…

Chapter 102 Organizational Development

Ten days after descending from the city wall, William Siemens returned. He carefully observed the site through binoculars. After a while, he smiled and said to his entourage, "This man keeps his word; he's really started construction. Send a letter to the Chinese, saying that I'd like to discuss cooperation with Mr. Tian tomorrow..."

This spurred the official commencement of the Long Causeway construction, but Tian Junyi felt no joy. That evening, he convened a meeting with his comrades from the Workers' Party at his residence in Hankou. At the meeting, Tian Junyi expressed his dissatisfaction to the party members, saying, "Over the past period, the number of members in the Workers' Party has been steadily increasing. In the Huguang region alone, the number of members has exceeded 400, accounting for a quarter of the total number of party members."

Is this a good thing? I think it is. The party's expansion means its strength is increasing. But is it really a good thing? I don't think it necessarily is. Many new members don't understand the Labour Party's principles at all. Some joined because their friends and family saw them join; others were recruited by friends and family, and they themselves have no interest in politics.

Comrades, the purpose of this party is revolution, not factionalism. Simply gathering numbers is useless. Why is it called the Labor Party? Because we need the power of the laborers to drive the revolution. Why should the laborers entrust their power to us? Not because we are righteous, but because we are them.

So comrades, tell me, as Party members, if we are unwilling to interact with laborers, not only do we not eat or live together, but we don't even engage in basic communal labor, are we really on their side? Comrades who go to the countryside to investigate only associate with landlords and rich peasants, completely disdaining to talk to farm laborers. Comrades who go to factories to run night schools teach moral stories of gentleness, kindness, respect, frugality, and humility. Do you want the workers to become revolutionaries, or do you want them to understand the oppression they suffer and become part of the revolution?

In the eyes of these laborers, what difference is there between us long-gown-wearing men and those foreigners? We are just like those foreigners, having no connection with the laborers, looking down on their work, and saying: "Those who labor with their minds govern others; those who labor with their bodies are governed by others." To be honest, we are not as happy as the foreigners who are paid according to their work. At least the foreigners, although they despise our dirtiness, do not deny that our labor is worthless.

If our Party continues to detach itself from the working class, paying lip service to protecting workers' interests while secretly wanting workers to fight and die for them, then I dare say now: this party is finished.

The thirty or forty party members gathered in the courtyard all quieted down. Tian Junyi's temper was actually much milder than Qin Lishan's and Tang Caichang's. This was the first time they had seen him lose his temper like this, which left them somewhat at a loss.

Cai E stood up first and addressed the crowd: "I support the principle of equality, and I think his criticism today is reasonable. If Party members cannot connect with the masses, aren't they just like those Qing Dynasty officials?"