Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 215

Both of them were waiting for Yamagata to set the tone for today's meeting, and neither of them spoke. As a result, the office was so quiet that the voices coming from the corridor could be heard.

After about ten minutes or half an hour, Yamagata, who was standing at the window, finally spoke up: "We can't let Yamamoto stay in that position. We need to find a way to get him out of there."

Yamagata's tone seemed calm, but Tamura knew that Yamagata was probably extremely angry, because this was the first time he had heard Yamagata give such a clear instruction targeting the army's adversaries. Even with Navy Staff Officer Hayashi Nobuyoshi, who had thwarted the army's plans several times, Yamagata had only asked that they pay more attention to him, not that they should be targeted.

After all, at Yamagata's level, upholding the rules is more important than breaking them. Yamagata opposes Ito forming a party because Ito's actions could lead to the breaking of the rules.

Therefore, even though Lin Xinyi, the naval staff officer, caused considerable losses to the army, Yamagata tried his best to show his subordinates that he respected the rules and hoped that they could resolve this trouble in the navy within the rules.

Not only Tamura viewed Yamagata this way, but even Katsura Taro, Yamagata's longest-serving disciple, was surprised by Yamagata's decision. He said doubtfully, "It shouldn't be easy to get Yamamoto to resign now, right?"

"After all, Yamamoto has already gained the support of others. As long as we can't come up with a plan to deal with the cooperation of the three countries, it will be difficult to bring down Yamamoto's cabinet."

Yamagata finally turned around, glanced at Katsura Taro, then looked at Tamura and said, "I'm talking about destroying Yamamoto. I don't care what methods you use, find his weaknesses and destroy him. Didn't you just realize that Yamamoto Gonnohyōe doesn't want the Tripartite Pact, but rather to destroy the Continental Policy? Without the Continental Policy, what is the Army?"

Yamagata's question silenced all three present, as his words struck at the heart of today's meeting. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's aggressive stance today clearly indicated that he was not merely seeking a tripartite cooperation plan.

Instead, the goal was to completely destroy the army's continental policy. If Yamamoto's proposal succeeded, then the navy's desired balance of power—dominant at sea and subordinate on land—would be achieved.

Under Yamagata's watchful gaze, Tamura felt somewhat resistant. He genuinely didn't want to get involved in this matter because he knew very well that once he did, he would inevitably take the blame. Otherwise, Yamagata wouldn't have bothered to keep staring at him.

However, he also knew that he couldn't remain silent now, because he was now the Chief of the General Staff and was in charge of the Army's intelligence work. It was clear that he couldn't bring down Yamamoto Gonnohyōe through conventional methods.

He could only pass the buck, saying, "Yamamoto Gonnohyōe has always served in the Navy. If we want to find out his problems, we can only look at the Navy's problems, such as the way the Navy uses its shipbuilding funds, which has always been criticized. If we start the investigation from this aspect, we might be able to get some useful information."

Yamagata nodded in satisfaction and said, "Isn't Akashi Genjiro investigating the Navy? Let him focus on that. Other matters can be put aside for now. Let's find out the major problems that occurred when Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was the Minister of the Navy."

Tamura was taken aback and asked, "Then what about gathering information about the Navy's internal situation? If we start by gathering information on Yamamoto Gonnohyōe personally, it might alert the Navy to us."

Katsura Taro chimed in, "At this point, we can't afford to worry about the Navy's vigilance. If we don't take down Yamamoto, the Army will become the Navy's lackey..."

Chapter 698

Chapter 698

Katsura Taro's outspokenness exposed the fundamental contradiction between the army and the navy. The army could not concede to the navy on the issue of the army taking the lead over the navy. Neither Yamagata Aritomo nor Oyama Iwao spoke up to correct Katsura Taro's statement, which caused Tamura to lose the last bit of respect for the Choshu faction.

He used to genuinely believe that the Choshu faction's consolidation of power was not merely for the purpose of seizing authority, but also for the defense of the country. After all, the military and the government are different; issuing orders from multiple sources only leads to confusion among soldiers, ultimately causing everyone to lose interest in fighting on the battlefield and instead focus most of their energy on internal personnel struggles. The samurai rebellions before Meiji 10 were almost entirely the result of internal personnel struggles within the military.

That's why Tamura shifted from being a radical anti-Chōshū regime figure to supporting Kodama's pan-Chōshū faction, attempting to resolve internal factional disputes within the military by creating a single, unified super-faction, thereby making the army's command system more consistent and reducing internal conflicts.

After meeting with Hayashi Shin-yi, he hesitated about Hayashi Shin-yi's suggestions not only because of the Choshu faction's strong position in the army, but also because if the Choshu faction's dominance in the army was shaken, Tamura could not be sure what the army would become afterward. If the downfall of the Choshu faction led to a major infighting among the various factions in the army, wouldn't he really become a sinner of the army?

However, Katsura Taro's words dispelled his last remaining goodwill towards the Choshu faction. Although there were indeed conflicts between the Army and Navy, Tamura believed that these conflicts were merely a matter of morality, and that their struggle should not hinder national interests. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's remarks at today's meeting were indeed extremely detrimental to the Army, but Tamura was only dissatisfied with Yamamoto's statements and not targeting him personally. He felt that Yamamoto's words today were a convenient way of suppressing the Army while considering national interests. Although infuriating, Yamamoto hadn't done anything wrong, because if he were in Yamamoto's position, he would have taken the same stance.

In Tamura's view, the focus of the army's high command's discussions on countering the navy should be on improving the continental policy, rather than considering a tripartite cooperation plan to confront the navy by eliminating Yamamoto. While removing Yamamoto would indeed deprive the navy of a political leader, the navy is not solely composed of Yamamoto. Although Ito's personality is more moderate than Yamamoto's, he is still the navy's political representative. Once Yamamoto is ousted by the army, it will only provoke Ito to adopt a hardline stance, thus escalating the conflict between the army and navy to an irreconcilable level.

In the long run, eliminating Yamamoto Gonnohyōe would not actually be conducive to unity between the Army and Navy, but would only exacerbate the conflict between them. However, Tamura also understood that the reason why Yamagata and others were so furious was that the Navy's proposed tripartite cooperation plan was a blatant conspiracy, and there was simply no way to break it.

Once the trilateral cooperation is established, peace in East Asia will bring about domestic economic development. The navy's continental peace policy will inevitably gain public support, because no one will turn down their own interests. The public supports the continental expansion policy to gain benefits from the war, not for national honor. If there's no increase in taxes and benefits can be gained through cooperation without dying on the battlefield, why would the public support the army's continental policy?

For the Choshu faction, which established its dominance in the military through war, this plan by the Navy is tantamount to uprooting the Choshu faction. Whether it is factional struggle within the military or political struggle, the Choshu faction, which puts national security first, will lose its past status under the Navy's plan.

From a factional standpoint, Tamura did not deny that Yamagata's decision was correct. Directly stopping the Navy's plan was obviously very difficult. After all, even Ito Hirobumi voiced his support for the Navy at the Imperial Conference, which meant that most of the Empire's political forces were on the side of the Navy's peace plan. To persuade these people to give up their support for the Navy, the Navy's plan would have to have irreparable flaws in its implementation.

However, the idea of ​​pinning one's hopes for victory on the enemy's mistakes is unacceptable to the army, which advocates offense. That's why Yamagata so decisively proposed to get rid of Yamamoto Gonnohyōe. After Yamamoto stepped down, the navy and the government would lose a unified leader, which would cause chaos in the implementation of the plan. This would give the army something to do with the implementation, and thus overthrow it.

However, for Tamura, his views on Yamagata and others were chilling. He was now one of those abandoned by the Choshu faction. If the Choshu faction treated him the same way, what could he expect from them? This was not unthinkable, because as a minister, he would inevitably have to accept military reductions against the will of the army. Today's meeting had already deprived the army of its bargaining power.

What is the difference between going against the Army's will and the demands made by Yamamoto Gonnohyōe at today's meeting? Yamagata and Katsura Taro can represent the Army to demand the removal of Yamamoto, so will the Army officers who are unaware of their own situation also think like Yamagata and Katsura Taro, regarding themselves as traitors to the Army and wanting to bring him down?

Would Yamagata and Katsura Taro, who saw themselves as spokespeople for the army's interests, really come out to defend him? Wouldn't that mean they were also accomplices in supporting the military downsizing plan? They certainly wouldn't do something that would damage their own image. So when Tamura saw this, he suddenly realized that he was truly about to be completely abandoned by the army, not just someone who was being unfairly blamed.

As Yamagata and his group left Tamura's office, Yamagata said to Tamura, "Things have already turned out this way. No matter how we deal with Yamamoto Gonnohyōe afterward, the military downsizing case obviously can't be delayed any longer. The Army Council has officially nominated you to the Cabinet to take over as Minister of the Army. You must handle this matter properly after you take office. Of course, you will probably have to make some sacrifices."

Tamura had never felt the malice beneath Yamagata's calm words so clearly, but he ultimately bowed his head expressionlessly and obeyed Yamagata's decision, knowing that Yamagata wasn't seeking his opinion but informing him. The fact that Oyama Iwao and Katsura Taro stood silently by indicated that the Choshu faction had already reached a consensus; his opposition would be futile, so why should he leave Yamagata with the impression of disobedience?

However, Tamura's submissiveness did not reassure Yamagata. After leaving the General Staff Headquarters, Yamagata, who was riding in the same carriage as Katsura Taro, said to Katsura Taro, "Tamura has always been known for his tough stance. During the Sino-Japanese War, he went so far as to expose the problem to the General Staff Headquarters in order to oppose my decisive battle plan. Today, however, he is so silent, which makes me feel uneasy."

Katsura Taro also felt that Tamura's behavior today seemed too mild. If it were the Tamura of the past, he would have argued vehemently against the decision to remove Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, and wouldn't have given up so easily like today. After thinking for a moment, he speculated uncertainly, "Or perhaps he feels that he will soon be forced to step down because of the military downsizing case, so he's a little disheartened?"

After thinking for a long time, Yamagata slowly nodded and said, "Perhaps that's a possibility, but there are other possibilities, such as being dissatisfied with us making him take responsibility for the military downsizing case, and wanting to do something unexpected. You should contact Akashi Motojiro personally, and also keep an eye on the movements within the General Staff Headquarters. If Tamura really wants to do something, he will eventually have to take action."

Katsura Taro accepted Yamagata's instructions, stating that he would personally follow up on Akashi's investigation into the Navy and would also keep an eye on the internal situation of the General Staff. After parting ways with Yamagata, Katsura Taro met with Akashi Genjiro to inquire about the progress of his investigation into the internal situation of the Navy.

Without his military uniform, the unkempt Akashi Genjiro looked no different from a drunken laborer on the street, especially with his unkempt, unkempt beard, which resembled a tangled clump of weeds and added to his rough and uncouth demeanor. Every time Katsura Taro saw Akashi Genjiro, he felt that the General Staff's decision to send him to Russia wasn't necessarily because they thought Akashi had any special talent, but rather because his appearance was so similar to a drunkard on the Russian streets that it would gain him the Russians' trust.

Despite his seemingly rough and domineering appearance, Akashi Motojiro is surprisingly clear-headed and organized when discussing his work. In response to Katsura Taro's question, he only hesitated briefly before replying, "I haven't been in this job long enough to make any new progress in the investigation, but by reorganizing and analyzing the data I've collected in the past, I've come up with some new insights."

Katsura Taro then asked curiously, "What did you discover?"

Akashi Motojiro said, "The Naval Culture Division is a newly established department within the Naval General Staff, but I have noticed that it was precisely after the establishment of this new department that the General Staff's influence within the Navy quickly surpassed that of the Ministry of the Navy. Under normal circumstances, unless it is during wartime, the General Staff cannot directly issue instructions to various departments within the military, except for formulating plans, and whether or not a plan is adopted is the prerogative of the Ministry of the Navy."

Therefore, even though the Naval General Staff moved out of the Ministry of the Navy building and the Chief of Staff gained the power to advise His Majesty, the Naval General Staff's status within the Navy only rose slightly; it did not surpass the authority of the Ministry of the Navy. However, after the establishment of the new Cultural Studies department, the Naval General Staff launched a propaganda offensive against various departments of the Navy through the Cultural Studies department, which effectively undermined the authority of the Ministry of the Navy.

This model is similar to the propaganda of Russian political parties. The main means by which the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party opposed the Tsarist government was propaganda. It constantly promoted its political views to the working class and exposed the Tsarist government's deception and oppression of the working class, thereby making the working class actively resist the Tsarist government's policies and turn to support the Social Democratic Labour Party's views.

The cultural education course, as internal propaganda within the Navy, was essentially a form of opposition to the logic behind a series of policies formulated by the Ministry of the Navy, and it presented the Naval General Staff's expectations for the future of the Navy. Naval officers and soldiers were highly receptive to the propaganda of the cultural education course because it not only reflected the ideas of the Naval General Staff, but also the dissatisfaction of some grassroots naval officers and soldiers with the current state of the Navy. They regarded the cultural education course as an agency representing their voices, which greatly enhanced the status of the Naval General Staff and provided it with an objective environment for unifying the Navy's thinking.

Therefore, I believe that the current situation within the Navy is not a compromise reached by various factions, but rather a state of self-reform. The source of this reform is the Naval General Staff, and the cultural education program is precisely the clarion call for the reformers to initiate reforms.

The Navy now regards the three staff officers of the General Staff as the backbone of the reformist faction. The Navy's three staff officers are similar to the three crows in our army. However, the army does not have any universally recognized three crows. That is to say, the three crows that the army privately admires are more like a compliment than young leaders trusted by junior officers and soldiers. However, the Navy's current three staff officers are reform leaders recognized by junior officers and soldiers. This means that junior officers and soldiers in the Navy have reached a consensus on reformist ideas.

From this perspective, the Navy has already reached a common goal of self-reform, and the three staff officers of the Navy are the leaders guiding this reform. Therefore, I believe the situation is far more serious than we currently perceive; the Navy is not merely undergoing integration, but is nearing completion. We are dealing with a unified whole, not just a part of the Navy.

While Akashi Motojiro's words surprised Katsura Taro somewhat, his mind was focused on Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, and he hadn't noticed Akashi's emphasis on the three naval staff officers, especially the naval cultural studies department. He nodded sincerely and said, "Now that you mention it, I can understand why Prime Minister Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was so tough at the Imperial Conference. Clearly, he has the support of the entire navy, which is why he dared to show such a tough stance towards us at the Imperial Conference..."

Katsura Taro's reaction disappointed Akashi Motojiro. He had already pointed out the core role of the Navy's three staff officers and the Navy Cultural Affairs Department in the Navy's self-reform, yet Katsura Taro was still pondering Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's ideas—clearly, he had chosen the wrong enemy. In his view, the conflict between the Army and Navy was never a confrontation between individuals, but rather a conflict between organizations. No matter how powerful Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was in the Navy, he couldn't bypass the Navy and challenge the Army alone. Therefore, the best way to suppress Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's actions against the Army was to suppress the Navy's reform movement, not to confront Yamamoto Gonnohyōe directly.

However, before going to Russia, Akashi Motojiro had been sitting on the sidelines in the military. He was well aware that the reason he was now being valued by the higher-ups was because the army needed his achievements in Russia to cover up the army's disproportionate contributions and outputs on the battlefield.

While the navy invested heavily but achieved equally brilliant victories, the army invested a great deal of resources but did not achieve decisive victories on the battlefield. This directly led to Japan having to acknowledge after the war that China had regained its rights to the Kwantung Leased Territory and the Chinese Eastern Railway. Therefore, the army needed to use the miracle of the revolution it sparked in Russia to deflect blame from other political forces, since the army, not the navy or other forces, was the main initiator of the war.

If it weren't for this, the army wouldn't have been able to secretly publicize his deeds, since such acts of instigating revolutions in other countries are not recognized by the current international order. For example, the navy did the same thing, sending personnel to help the Chinese destabilize India, but the navy refused to publicize it; it was only after the army investigated and discovered it that it was spread.

Although Akashi Motojiro turned his life around through this mission, moving from a marginal figure in the military into the core circle of the Choshu faction, he was well aware that his position in this circle was not secure. Therefore, he needed to further gain the support of the Choshu faction's higher-ups, rather than being stubborn and making himself seem uncontrollable.

Katsura Taro's focus on Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's attitude prevented Akashi Motojirō from continuing his speculation. In fact, he had a further hunch: the three naval staff officers were not equals, and the youngest, Hayashi Nobuyoshi, likely held a central position. This was not only because Hayashi Nobuyoshi was the head of the new cultural studies department, but also because he had previously discussed Hayashi Nobuyoshi's situation with Sugiyama Shigemaru.

Akashi Motojiro is a member of the Genyosha. Although he is marginalized in the army, he is always in the sight of the higher-ups because he has the support of the Genyosha. His father-in-law is a bigwig in the Genyosha, so he has a close relationship with Sugiyama Shigemaru, the Genyosha's strategist. He will communicate with Sugiyama about any problems and seek new ideas from him.

Sugiyama Shigemaru didn't know much about the three naval staff officers, but he was deeply impressed by the young officer Hayashi Nobuyoshi. He told Akashi that his biggest regret was helping Saigo Tsugumichi get Hayashi Nobuyoshi into the navy, which resulted in the Genyosha suffering its biggest blow since the Empress Myeongseong incident and losing its political influence in Japan for a time.

Sugiyama Shigemaru's assessment of Hayashi Shin-yi was, "If you are not prepared to deal with him, then don't easily provoke him. He is a tiger in the mountains, not a vicious dog that only barks. When he feels that you are a threat to him, he will definitely use every means to strike you down, and you won't even know where this strike is coming from."

Mr. Tomiyama originally thought this was a loyal dog that could be trained, but the Tokyo turmoil almost completely destroyed the Genyosha's base in Tokyo, and to this day they cannot openly show their faces. I don't know what the Third Naval Staff is all about, but Hayashi Nobuyoshi would never be subordinate to anyone, so he must be the core of the Third Staff, otherwise there wouldn't be any rumors about the Third Staff…”

Akashi Motojiro and Sugiyama Shigemaru were old friends, and Akashi always trusted the other's judgment, so he didn't dare underestimate the young Hayashi Nobuyoshi. At the moment, Katsura Taro's mind was clearly not on the Navy but on Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, so Akashi could only swallow his words. If he expressed his opinion of Hayashi Nobuyoshi, and Katsura Taro didn't take it seriously, things would spiral out of control.

Chapter 699

Chapter 699

Investigating the Navy and investigating Yamamoto Gonnohyōe seem to be the same thing, since Yamamoto served as Minister of the Navy for so many years, and it's impossible to investigate the Navy without involving him. However, there are still differences between the two.

Focusing his energy on Yamamoto Gonnohyōe means that Akashi Motojirō will have to concentrate on the Navy's past problems, rather than its current situation and future development. If the Navy and the Army maintained a stable situation, there would be no problem. However, this is precisely the period when the Navy's situation is changing most drastically, which means that the Army may miss out on grasping the Navy's future.

Katsura Taro brought with him the will of Yamagata, and he himself did not care about the future of the Navy. Katsura Taro was resentful about being ousted from office, and he needed to prove to the people that the Navy's peace theory was invalid. Otherwise, his resignation would become a correct thing, which would ruin his political future.

Just as Tamura lost his last bit of faith in the Choshu faction when he heard that Yamagata had set his sights on Yamamoto Gonbei, Katsura Taro's behavior was one of the situations he was worried about.

The logic here is that if the interests of the army are higher than the national interests, then the interests of the Choshu faction will naturally be higher than the interests of the army. And the personal interests of Yamagata, the senior Choshu official, will certainly be higher than the interests of the Choshu faction. By this reasoning, the Choshu faction will become a group that prioritizes personal interests. This is obviously different from the Choshu patriots who organized the anti-shogunate army for the future of the country.

Unlike Tamura, Akashi had just made his mark in the army and had no other options. This meant that if Akashi wanted to ensure that his past efforts were not in vain, he had no choice but to obey the instructions given to him by Katsura Taro.

Akashi quickly expressed his obedience to Katsura Taro, because he really didn't want his hard-earned achievements in the army to be for nothing just because he disagreed with Katsura Taro and Yamagata Genro.

As for Tamura, shortly after the Imperial Conference, he met with Togo again and specified in the invitation that Hayashi Nobuyoshi needed to be present.

During this meeting, Tamura told Togo that he was willing to cooperate with the Navy to promote the military downsizing plan, but he hoped that the Navy would give him a guarantee that he would not be abandoned afterward.

Togo Masamichi and Tamura kept in touch with each other for this purpose: to find collaborators in the army and navy. So Togo agreed to Tamura's request without hesitation and told him, "The navy will not abandon those who make personal sacrifices for the country. Look, isn't Vice Admiral Tojo doing very well in the navy now?"

The Navy has no particular opinion on Army officers and soldiers. The Navy simply disagrees with the Army's ideas on national defense policy, but this is all for the sake of the country, not because there are any personal grudges between the Army and the Navy.

On behalf of the Navy, I can promise you that the Navy will do everything in its power to prevent some people in the Army from retaliating against you for supporting the national military downsizing plan. If all else fails, you can follow the path of Lieutenant General Tojo.

Although the Marine Corps cannot be compared to the Army in size, once East Asian cooperation mechanisms are established, the Marine Corps can participate in East Asian security cooperation organizations, thereby playing a role on a broader scale…

Lin Xinyi had to interrupt Togo Masamichi's overly excited speech with a cough to prevent Togo from revealing his idea of ​​establishing a naval security force in East Asia too early. However, Tamura was a staff officer who came from a planning background, and his sensitivity to this matter was stronger than that of front-line officers. Therefore, although Togo Masamichi only mentioned it briefly, he suddenly understood.

With Tojo Hideaki being forcibly recruited by the Navy, the reorganization of the Marine Corps, the East Asian peace theory, East Asian economic and trade cooperation, and now Togo's talk of the East Asian Cooperation and Defense Organization, the Navy's ambitions finally became clear to him when these keywords were linked together.

For an army officer who studied in Germany and rose through the ranks by studying Germany's development path, Tamura almost instantly realized that the navy hoped to replicate the path of the German Empire's formation and unify East Asia's economy, culture, and defense under one organization.

Whether this organization will become the second German Empire is still uncertain, but once it takes shape, it will inevitably surpass the army's continental plan. After all, the army's highest ambition is to swallow up Manchuria and Mongolia, and then dismember the rest of China, thus making Japan the only superpower in East Asia.

Even if the army's ultimate goal is achieved, the Chinese people's hatred for Japan will increase to an unprecedented level, meaning that peace in East Asia will be impossible, and the conflict between Japan and China will inevitably become protracted.

Unless China loses external support and remains fragmented, consistently suppressed by Japan in terms of national power, a direct conflict between the two sides is inevitable sooner or later.

In the navy's ambition, China will not only not become Japan's enemy, but will also be an important supporter of this organization. Japan will use this organization to continuously incorporate other parts of Asia and eventually form a super-large alliance. Even if it cannot eventually merge into a single country, it will at least guarantee Japan's living space.

Having grasped the Navy's ambitions, Tamura finally understood the Navy's emphasis on the Chiba Prefecture heavy industry center plan and East Asian peace, as these were the two cornerstones of establishing the organization.

So now only one question remains: what is the role of the Army in this organization?

Logically speaking, the formation of the German Empire was inseparable from the strength of the Prussian army.

Therefore, if the path of the German Empire were to be completely replicated, the navy should have joined forces with the army to strengthen the military and thus gain the power to dominate politics. However, the navy is now doing the opposite, choosing to cooperate with political forces to suppress the army.

Then an answer immediately came to Tamura's mind: the Navy didn't want the Army to play any role at all. The Navy wanted to exclude the Army from the organization, which is why it emphasized the future of the Marine Corps instead of reforming the Army.

These naval idiots are really playing a clever game; they want to use this plan to shift the national policy from a maritime-dominated to a land-based one.

Tamura inwardly cursed the Navy's intentions, but he didn't show it on his face.

After some thought, Tamura realized that if he were in the Navy, he certainly wouldn't give the Army any chance either, because the Army couldn't be controlled by the Navy. Therefore, the Army became the biggest destabilizing factor in this plan.

Rather than cooperating with the army, it would be better to exclude the army from the plan altogether. Judging from the current situation, what is needed to defend Asia is indeed the navy. It is appropriate to let each country take responsibility for its own land security, since Asian countries are all densely populated regions and do not lack the manpower to form an army.

Tamura instinctively turned his gaze to Lin Xinyi. Lin Xinyi had just interrupted Togo with a cough, which showed that he must have considerable influence over this plan.

So how could a young lieutenant colonel exert influence over such a massive plan? The answer is obvious: he must have an inseparable relationship with the plan's formulation.

When Lin Xinyi saw that Tamura's gaze had turned to him, he had no choice but to change the subject and said, "Actually, I think that it is obviously not enough to get soldiers to accept the reduction of troops with just an order. We must mobilize them ideologically and make it clear that the significance of the reduction of troops is the same as going to the battlefield to defend the country. Both are necessary choices made for the future of the country. Publicly opposing the reduction of troops is the same as opposing the order to charge in wartime."

Besides ideological mobilization, it's also necessary to provide material support for the laid-off soldiers. They can't simply be removed from the military and treated as if they never existed. A power grid company clearly cannot accommodate all laid-off personnel and regular veterans, and the skills required by a company and the military are different. While state-owned companies can afford to lose money to support their employees...

However, it is impossible to rely entirely on government funding to support personnel; such companies would not survive for long. Therefore, both laid-off soldiers and regular veterans need skills training to help them adapt to the transition from military to worker.

Therefore, I believe that the Army and Navy should request the government to establish a Veterans Affairs Administration to provide support such as education and vocational training for demobilized troops and veterans, so that these soldiers can smoothly reintegrate into society.

Only when respected soldiers can transform into self-reliant workers will demobilized and discharged soldiers not experience a huge sense of loss, and will they not feel that leaving the military means becoming useless burdens on society and their families. Only then can they truly accept leaving the military from the bottom of their hearts…

Lin Hsin-yi offered quite detailed suggestions on how to resettle veterans, but his main purpose was to put the power of veteran resettlement in the hands of the government.

The military nowadays almost completely ignores veterans, so it is quite normal for soldiers who left the army due to disability during the Sino-Japanese War to end up on the streets as beggars.

As for the government, because the military refuses government interference in military affairs, the government has little affection for veterans, believing that these people are trouble for the local area. Veterans who are physically able but lack skills often become gangsters, posing a great threat to social security.

This has led the government to turn a blind eye to the employment and livelihood of veterans, but to be very vigilant about their movements, fearing that they might cause some kind of violence in the local area.

The army resists troop reductions precisely because the livelihoods of veterans are not guaranteed, and the government's dismissive attitude towards veterans has deepened the antagonism between the military and the government.

In this respect, only the Navy is in a better position. Because the Navy needs technology, volunteers have always been the main force. Almost all of the Navy's volunteers are technical workers mobilized by the Navy itself. Even if these people are discharged, they will not end up on the streets, because they simply return to their family workshops or the factories they worked in before joining the military. It can be said that there is almost no disconnect between naval officers and soldiers and society, and they can easily integrate into social life.

Therefore, the navy is not strongly opposed to the issue of naval downsizing.

This is also a real factor that led to the rejection of Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's advocacy for military expansion by most of the navy. As naval officers and soldiers did not feel a huge difference between life in the military and life at home, in fact, some highly skilled officers and soldiers did not like to stay in the military because there were too many rules and no extra pay.

However, in society, they can earn better pay through their skills and enjoy greater freedom in their lives.

The reason why naval volunteers are willing to stay in the military is not because they might lose their lives if they leave the military, but because they genuinely feel that they are serving the country and the Emperor. Therefore, they are willing to endure the decline in living conditions and make personal sacrifices for the country and the Emperor.

On the other hand, life in the army is much better than that of many people in the countryside. Just the fact that they can eat rice and be full is enough to make many soldiers unwilling to leave the army.

Therefore, the army's opposition to military downsizing was essentially a fear of losing their livelihoods. They knew that returning home would offer no future, only adding another mouth to feed; their labor was worthless in the countryside, barely enough to earn enough to feed themselves. Consequently, many veterans preferred to wander in the city rather than return to their hometowns.

Lin Hsin-yi believes that in order for the government to maintain its influence over the military, soldiers must at least feel that the government can affect their lives after retirement. This way, when these soldiers try to confront the government, they will think about the consequences of doing so.

Of course, the military's indifference towards veterans does not mean they would like to see the government impose any restrictions on them. For warlords, anything that attempts to influence the military is a matter of life and death. Therefore, it is better to let veterans wander the streets than to give the government the right to resettle them.

To persuade Tamura, Hayashi Nobuyoshi tirelessly explained that having the government handle the resettlement of veterans would be a good thing for both the military and the country. However, Tamura had just realized the Navy's ambitions.

At this point, the focus was not on minor issues like the resettlement of veterans; compared to the marginalization of the army, temporary troop reductions were no longer a problem.

Tamura now feels that Lin Xinyi's earnest explanation of the issue of veteran resettlement is actually a way to divert his attention and make him ignore the information that Togo Masamichi inadvertently revealed.

Therefore, he put aside his concern about disarmament and instead focused most of his attention on how to deal with the navy's ambitions.

Lin Xinyi's persuasion was therefore remarkably easy. Compared to the hesitant Tamura a few days earlier, Tamura showed great sincerity in cooperating with the Navy today. He not only agreed with most of the Navy's suggestions, but also did not reject some suggestions that clearly undermined the Army's voice. Instead, he said that he could wait and see the Army's internal reaction first.

This meeting was a major victory for Masamichi Togo.

Unlike Kawahara Kaname, Togo Masamichi lacked the merits of the Sino-Japanese War; he simply entered the Naval General Staff from the Naval Academy and then seized power. To the central government officials and the fleet faction, Togo Masamichi was not entirely one of their own, thus his prestige within the military was even lower than Kawahara's.

Togo Masamichi knew that he was able to sit in his current position entirely by chance, because Kawahara needed a trustworthy helper, and Hayashi Shinji happened to be his student, which was why he was able to occupy his current position. However, without real achievements, it would be difficult for him to advance further, because he would find it hard to win people's hearts.