Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 184

Ito Sukeyuki's proposition that future wars would be a contest of national strength opened a window for Yamagata Aritomo, allowing him to see a new perspective. Yamagata's expression softened slightly as he asked Ito, "So, how do you think we can unite the army and navy?"

After a few seconds of contemplation, Ito said, "During this war, the Navy discovered that in typical amphibious operations, a small number of poorly organized marines are unable to complete land combat missions. Although the Navy's main task is to maintain maritime security, considering the current importance of the South Pacific islands to the Empire, the Navy will inevitably need a small but highly capable marine corps to ensure the security of the South Pacific islands in the future."

Therefore, the Navy plans to establish a Marine Corps Command, specifically responsible for amphibious operations. The Navy lacks personnel with expertise in land warfare organization; if the Army could provide assistance in building the Marine Corps Command's command structure, then a model of unity between the Army and Navy would be established…

Chapter 620

Upon hearing Ito Sukeyuki's proposed method for uniting the army and navy, Yamagata felt a surge of anger rising within him. Although he wanted to have a proper discussion with the navy and maintain unity within the military, he was not there to surrender to the navy.

The reason for separating the navy from the army's control was to prevent the Satsuma faction within the army and navy from uniting, and also to reduce the imperial court's suspicion of the Choshu faction. However, Yamagata never expected that while the navy had been very polite to the army under Saigo Tsugumichi, after Saigo's death, the navy now seemed to be taking over the army's control.

He turned to Ito Sukeyuki with a stern face and said, "The Army is tolerating the Navy in order to maintain the unity of the military. The Navy should not mistake the Army's consideration for the overall situation as weakness. Land warfare should naturally be handled by the Army. It's one thing for the Marine Corps to maintain the landing zones, but now the Navy wants to establish a Marine Corps Command. Is it planning to take over the Army's work? If the Army plans to establish a fleet to protect the Army's logistics and transportation, would the Navy be willing to support it?"

Ito Sukeyuki was not agitated by Yamagata's accusations. He knew that Yamagata Aritomo would definitely react violently to his words, and that Yamagata had already shown considerable restraint. To be honest, if he hadn't heard Hayashi Shin'ichi's proposed follow-up measures, the Army's proposal to build its own fleet would have made him just as furious.

Ito thought to himself that Yamagata was indeed getting old, that he hadn't gotten up and left after hearing such words, and was still willing to continue talking with him. But he said to Yamagata with trepidation, "The Navy has no intention of taking over the Army's work, but the situation in the South Pacific islands is complicated. The Dutch, Americans, local natives, and various forces are almost all mixed together. Britain, France, and Germany are also making moves on the side. Therefore, if the Navy wants to deal with the South Pacific issue, it will definitely not take the form of a formal declaration of war. Instead, it will prepare to support the local forces and fight a few local battles with controlled scale."

Our idea was to use these small-scale, low-intensity raids to make it difficult for the Dutch and Americans to effectively govern the South Pacific islands, ultimately forcing them to make the political decision to abandon them. How could the army intervene in such an operation? If the army were to formally intervene, it would escalate the war, eventually turning it into a direct conflict between Japan and Britain, France, Germany, and the United States, which was clearly not in Japan's interest.

Therefore, we plan to establish a Marine Corps Command to oversee the operations in the South Pacific islands, while the Army can indirectly participate in the conflict by sending personnel to provide support. If the conflict unexpectedly escalates in the future, the Army can promptly take over the duties of the Marine Corps Command.

Yamagata Aritomo's anger subsided considerably, for Ito's words were not without merit; the situation in Southeast Asia was indeed very complex. If Japan rashly intervened in Southeast Asian affairs, it would inevitably arouse the vigilance of other countries. The reason Japan was able to seize Mindanao from the United States last time was not because other countries were indifferent, but because the Americans did not want to give them an excuse to intervene in the Philippine Islands and Panama. The Philippine Islands represented future interests for the United States, and the Panama Canal was crucial to whether the US West Coast could truly integrate into the Eastern economic sphere. Naturally, the Americans would not allow any changes to the canal, even if it meant losing the entire Philippine Islands.

Because the Americans compromised with Japan so quickly, the conflict between Japan and the United States ended before Britain and Germany could even get involved. Britain and Germany were far more eager for Southeast Asia than France. The British did not want an uncontrolled power in Southeast Asia, so they preferred to let the Netherlands and the United States occupy the islands. Germany, on the other hand, although it had always wanted to take over the islands, had never found a reasonable pretext.

If a conflict were to break out between Japan and the United States, Britain and Germany would inevitably intervene. The Anglo-Japanese Alliance was intended to counter Russia; Japan could not use the alliance to demand British support for its expansion in Southeast Asia. Conversely, Britain could use the alliance terms to demand that Japan protect the order in Asia.

Yamagata Aritomo did not oppose the navy's expansionist ambitions into Southeast Asia. In fact, after conquering China, the army's continental policy also demanded a southward expansion to resolve the ownership issues of Southeast Asia and the South China Sea islands. What Yamagata opposed was the navy's proposal to abandon the continental policy and directly move south.

Although Ito's explanation helped Yamagata understand that the Navy's desire to establish a Marine Corps Command was to prepare for the further implementation of the southward expansion strategy, and not to seize power from the Army to achieve its island empire plan of sea supremacy and land subordination, the further implementation of the southward expansion strategy, objectively speaking, was laying the foundation for an island empire.

In other words, even if Ito now explains that the establishment of the Marine Corps Command will not hinder the Army's responsibilities, as long as the Navy further promotes the southward policy, the Navy will effectively infringe upon the Army's authority. The Navy certainly doesn't have good intentions; this was the thought that flashed through Yamagata Aritomo's mind.

Just as Yamagata was pondering how to counter the Navy's open scheme, Ito Sukeyuki suddenly spoke up again: "The Army has responsibilities on the Korean Peninsula and in the Primorsky Krai. I believe the Army's need for an inland fleet is genuine. The Navy is willing to support the Army in establishing an inland fleet, so that the Army can control the power of the mainland inland fleet and thus better fulfill its responsibilities on the mainland."

Ito's proposed exchange condition further confused Yamagata Aritomo, leaving him speechless for a moment. Seeing Yamagata's thoughtful expression, Ito confirmed once again that Yamagata had indeed aged, hence his repeated deliberations over the exchange condition. If it were a younger Yamagata, he would undoubtedly have flatly rejected the suggestion.

For Yamagata, who was in his prime, the army's power was not to be touched by anyone. Similarly, the army would not care about the opposition of others when it wanted to obtain any power. Yamagata would do it without hesitation until someone came forward to oppose the army's actions. However, once the deed was done, the Imperial Household would eventually come forward to endorse the army.

Ito stared at Yamagata, his mind wandering. Yamagata finally broke the silence and said, "The Navy's request isn't something we can't consider, but does the Navy intend to select its own people from the Army, or will they accept our recommendations?"

Yamagata probed Ito's true intentions. If Ito intended to let the Navy select the personnel, he would refuse without hesitation, as there was definitely a Navy conspiracy involved, and the Army could not fall for such a trap. However, if the Army were to make the recommendations, it would be a good opportunity for the Army to send people into the Navy to gather intelligence.

Faced with Yamagata's probing, Ito pondered for a moment before saying, "The Marine Corps is responsible for small-scale battles, so officers below the rank of regimental commander are sufficient for combat units. However, the situations faced by the Marine Corps are quite complex. How to organize and train local armed forces, how to limit the scale of battles and select targets for attack—these all require officers with staff experience to make correct judgments. Therefore, we need some officers with staff experience and independent judgment. We are willing to give young junior officers and officers who have retired in the last two years a try, as long as they are healthy and have independent judgment."

Yamagata Aritomo couldn't find any fault with it at the moment. Ito did put forward the talent standards needed by the Navy, but he did not intend to conduct a large-scale selection in the Army. This low-key requirement made him feel a bit of a dilemma.

Refusing Ito's offer would mean the Army had no intention of uniting with the Navy, making any negotiations between the Army and Navy pointless. But if Yamagata didn't refuse, something about him felt uneasy.

However, Ito wouldn't give Yamagata much time to think. Seeing that Yamagata was hesitant to make a decision, he simply said, "If the army is finding it difficult, then let's proceed step by step and first let the army and navy reach a consensus on the consultation mechanism before discussing army-naval cooperation. Anyway, there shouldn't be any enemies threatening us around Japan in the short term, so we can discuss it slowly."

Yamagata Aritomo finally couldn't hold back any longer. He looked up at Ito and said, "Defense policy involves national security. Even a day's delay could lead to major problems. The Army hopes to push forward with the new defense policy as soon as possible. As for the suggestion you just made, I need to go back and discuss it with others. This is not a trivial matter, but a major issue concerning the unity of the military. It should not be decided by the two of us in private."

After a moment's thought, Ito nodded and said, "Elder Yamagata is indeed steady and reliable. Let's include this issue in the discussion at the consultation meeting. Whatever the outcome, both the army and navy can accept it. It's not a decision we made in private..."

The meeting with Ito did not resolve Yamagata's troubles; instead, it made him realize that new troubles had arisen. Chief of Staff Tamura learned of the outcome of Yamagata and Ito's meeting from Vice Minister Fukushima Yasumasa, and couldn't help but ask Fukushima, "Vice Minister, what do you think is the Navy's true intention in proposing to borrow personnel from us to establish the Marine Corps Command?"

Fukushima Yasumasa didn't take the divide between the Army and Navy too seriously, so he replied without hesitation: "I think the Navy's proposal is indeed beneficial to the unity of the military. War is not the responsibility of the Army or the Navy alone. Without the concerted efforts of the Army and Navy, we may not be able to defeat the enemy we are about to face."

Regarding Fukushima's opinion, Tamura simply smiled and praised, "The Vice Minister has a good grasp of the overall situation of the Empire. Indeed, the enemy we are about to face will obviously not be able to be defeated without the mutual trust and support between the Army and the Navy."

However, Tamura didn't really think that way. When he met with Iguchi Shogo that evening and told him about it, he said with some emotion, "The Navy is trying to win over those of us who are dissatisfied with the Choshu faction. It's unbelievable that Elder Yamaguchi didn't outright reject the Navy's request."

After a moment's thought, Shogo Iguchi said without hesitation, "Elder Yamagata probably doesn't want to take the blame for the breakdown in relations between the army and navy. If the negotiations between the army and navy drag on without a result, next year's budget will have to be drastically reduced, and we will have to cut troops as required by the government. If everyone finds out that Elder Yamagata rejected the navy's proposal, they will inevitably think that the Choshu faction is disregarding national interests for its own selfish reasons, and everyone's resentment towards the Choshu faction will only intensify. But what's your opinion on this matter?"

Tamura remained silent for a long time before saying, "This is an opportunity for Tojo and Yamaguchi, but it's not a good thing for the Army. If Tojo and Yamaguchi go to the Navy, it's like the Navy has gained a group of Army officers who harbor resentment towards the Choshu faction. It's hard to say that this will be conducive to unity between the Army and the Navy."

But if we exclude Tojo and Yamaguchi from the Navy's selection process, their resentment towards me will likely grow even stronger. Will we really be able to stop them from joining the Navy then?

After a moment's thought, Iguchi Shogo reacted. He said with some surprise, "The Navy has set up such a big trap, how could Elder Yamagata not see it? He should have just refused them. Once this news spreads among the Army, it will be too late for the Army to refuse the Navy."

After a moment's hesitation, Tamura said, "The fact that Elder Yamagata didn't immediately refuse means either he wants to further deepen the rift between me and Tojo and Yamaguchi, leaving no room for reconciliation, or there's another possibility..."

Iguchi immediately pressed, "What's the other possibility?"

Tamura said somewhat uncertainly, "Old Man Yamagata was already old and didn't realize it at the time."

After a few seconds of silence, Iguchi Shogo said, "We can't completely offend Tojo and Yamaguchi. There are also many non-Chōshū faction cadres watching. If we go too far, then we'll really be tied to the Chōshū faction, and no one will believe that we have independent judgment. To be honest, your current position as chief of staff is just a scapegoat. It's not worth offending everyone else for such a position."

Tamura agreed with Iguchi Shogo's point of view. Of course, he also knew that Iguchi had a good relationship with Tojo and Yamaguchi, and he was unwilling to just watch the Choshu faction completely blockade these two friends. Although he did not dare to stand up against the Choshu faction, he was still willing to let the two of them go to the Navy to avoid the Choshu faction's suppression.

Tamura had no intention of eliminating the two men. He supported Tojo's retirement in order to support Kodama in taking charge of the army. Therefore, he insisted on giving Tojo Hideyoshi the title of lieutenant general and transferring him to the reserve. He also opposed expelling Yamaguchi Keizo from the army at the same time. He wanted to clear the way for Kodama to take charge of the army, not to support the punishment of Tojo Hideyoshi in order to allow the Choshu faction to suppress dissidents.

However, Kodama's death had already changed the situation in the army. The Greater Choshu situation that Kodama wanted was no longer possible, and the Lesser Choshu faction, advocated by Katsura Taro and Terauchi Masatake, regained the upper hand within the Choshu faction.

It's obvious to anyone with a brain that the so-called Greater Choshu Faction Plan was simply to absorb generals from outside Choshu into the Choshu faction, thereby disrupting the special status of Choshu officers in the army. The Greater Choshu Faction was essentially anti-Choshu, though the opposition wasn't as vehement. Those who agreed with the Choshu faction still held some positions, but overall, it was a meritocracy; officers from Choshu would no longer receive any special treatment.

In the eyes of high-ranking officials like Yamagata Aritomo, the appointments of outsiders like Tamura and Fukushima to key positions in the General Staff were merely a way to shield the Choshu faction. However, in the eyes of lower- and middle-ranking Choshu cadres, Tamura and Fukushima's control of the General Staff and their usurpation of the Choshu faction's power was a case of cuckoo in the nest. They were naturally unwilling to compete with these outsiders; after all, when their fathers had sacrificed themselves for the anti-shogunate cause, the fathers of these outsiders were either ignorant commoners or stood on the opposite side of the anti-shogunate army. How could they be on equal footing with the descendants of these Meiji Restoration heroes?

With Kodama, who was capable of suppressing dissent within the Choshu faction, dead, the only supporters of Greater Choshuism were outsiders like Tamura. Tamura himself was facing abandonment by the Choshu faction, so where would he find the enthusiasm to continue suppressing villainous cliques like Tojo and Yamaguchi?

After much deliberation, Tamura finally made a decision. He said to Iguchi, "Get in touch with the Navy as soon as possible. At least we need to figure out what the Navy wants in order to respond effectively. There is indeed a gap between the Army and the Navy, but it is not an insurmountable chasm. As long as the Navy is not targeting the entire Army, we can still have talks."

Hearing Tamura say this, Iguchi breathed a sigh of relief. Among Kodama's faction, Akiyama Yoshifuru, who was from Choshu, was the most favored, while Tamura, who was not from Choshu, was the most favored. It would have been impossible for Tamura to become the Vice Chief of the General Staff before the war without Kodama's strong support, even though Tamura had the best staff skills in the army.

Therefore, if Tamura were to follow the Choshu faction to the end, he really wouldn't have any other options. After all, Iguchi knew that his reputation and talent were inferior to Tamura's, so the non-Choshu faction under Kodama would soon be torn apart due to the Choshu faction's exclusionary actions. Once they lost the organization's protection, it would be good enough if he and Tamura could retire peacefully.

Iguchi readily accepted Tamura's instructions and, upon returning, used Sugiyama Shigemaru's connections to request a meeting with the naval officials. Hayashi Nobuyoshi, having received the message from Sugiyama Shigemaru, went to see Togo Masamichi. Togo Masamichi was somewhat confused by Hayashi Nobuyoshi's request and asked, "Shouldn't we be focusing our energy on personnel matters within the navy at this time? Sakamoto Toshitsu has just been confirmed to succeed Misu Sotaro as the Director of the Personnel Bureau. Isn't it a bit disregard for priorities to divert our attention to the power grid?"

Chapter 621

Faced with Dongxiang Zhenglu's hesitation, Lin Xinyi calmly explained: "The House of Representatives reconvened last week, and some members have proposed a series of bills, such as piloting reforms of the rural land system. There are not many people opposing the proposals. In my opinion, the members have already realized that rural reforms must be pushed forward. Therefore, what follows is just a bargaining stage, and not many people will continue to oppose it."

Once the pilot land system reform proposal is passed, the heavy industry center plan will officially enter the implementation stage. At this time, it is the period with the least resistance to promote the separation of the power grid from various power companies and the establishment of a state-owned power grid company, because everyone's attention is drawn to the land reform pilot and the heavy industry center construction plan.

For the Navy, the establishment of the power grid company is more like an appetizer before the main course compared to the internal personnel reform and the heavy industry center plan. If you express your support for the establishment of the power grid company at this time, others will definitely choose to back down in order to gain your support for their dominance in personnel issues and the heavy industry center plan.

By bringing the power grid company under your leadership, you can not only win over a group of mid-level naval officers who support you, but also use this company to forge a partnership with a faction within the Army. The Army is our competitor, but we cannot eliminate it; at most, we can make it comply with our established defense policies. Therefore, we cannot confront the entire Army as a whole.

With the power company as a resource outside the navy, plus the support of some in the army, the obstacles to your future as Minister of the Navy will be greatly reduced, and even going further will not be a problem.

Once again, Togo Masamune was swayed by Lin Xinyi's words. He only said with a last trace of reluctance, "Do you mean I shouldn't have too many opinions on this personnel reform? Won't that benefit Shibayama and Izuha? They're not on our side."

Following the naval officers' conference in August, a new faction led by Kawahara was formally formed. This faction united non-mainstream factions and forces outside the Satsuma faction, forming a confrontation with the mainstream Satsuma faction led by Yamamoto Gonnohyōe. Kawahara was further divided into several smaller groups, with the Naval General Staff forces led by Togo Masamichi, the Satsuma elders forces led by Shibayama Yahachi, and the non-Satsuma forces led by Dewa Shigeto being the largest branches.

As the leader of the faction, Kawahara naturally wouldn't worry about anyone shaking his position. However, the positions below Kawahara were uncertain. After all, like Kawahara, Togo Masamichi didn't have any deep roots. Shibayama Yahachi and Dewa Shigeto both had a small group of staunch supporters, and his subordinates mostly supported him because of his position as vice minister.

Although Lin Xinyi painted a bright future for him, he still felt uneasy about not being able to fight for personnel power in the navy. In other words, Lin Xinyi was indispensable to him; many people in the Naval General Staff had chosen him precisely because of Lin Xinyi. If he parted ways with Lin Xinyi, many of his supporters would also part ways with him.

Although Lin Xinyi's presence undermined his absolute control over the small group, Togo Masashi was also relieved that Lin Xinyi was ultimately too young. By the time he was truly capable of leading the group's power, it would be time for him to retire and enjoy his retirement. Of course, as a leader, Togo Masashi still hoped to seize some power that Lin Xinyi could not reach as his foundation, which is why he was reluctant to give up the opportunity for this personnel reform.

Lin Xinyi seemed to have noticed what Togo Masamichi was worried about, but he did not expose it. Instead, he further analyzed the situation for Togo, saying, "My opposition to your being too active in this personnel reform is also to help you gain the favor of Minister Yamamoto. With others pressing you, Minister Yamamoto will think that you are the more lenient leader in the Navy."

Taken aback, Togo Masamichi quickly declared, "I have known Chief of Staff Kawahara for many years, and he has supported me all the way over the years. I will never betray Chief of Staff Kawahara."

Lin Xinyi also clarified: "I am not asking you to seek refuge with Minister Yamamoto, but rather hoping that you can make Minister Yamamoto see you as a tolerant leader. Minister Yamamoto cannot continue to occupy the position of Minister of the Navy, but his relatives and friends still need to work in the Navy. Minister Yamamoto has led the Navy for so many years, and not to mention his prestige within the Navy, he also has great influence in the upper echelons of the Empire."

Therefore, although Yamamoto Kaisho cannot choose his successor, he can entrust his power within the Navy to protectors who can safeguard these individuals. With their support, even if Shibayama and Izumo place some of their own people in this personnel reform, they will find it difficult to contend with you. Because in a one-on-one situation, the power of Yamamoto Kaisho's faction can completely overwhelm any small group within the Navy.

The reason we were able to suppress Yamamoto Kaisho this time was not because our individual strength defeated him, but because Yamamoto Kaisho's actions of eliminating dissidents over the years have aroused the common anger of everyone. Saito Minoru's abilities are far inferior to Yamamoto Kaisho's, so everyone united to oppose the Yamamoto-Saito power succession route.

Simply put, if Yamamoto Kaisei were ten years younger, our targeting of him wouldn't have garnered so much support. Many people support us because they feel Yamamoto Kaisei is past his prime and must eventually step down, while Saito Minoru clearly can't maintain his composure, which is why he chose us.

Therefore, although the naval policy advocated by Yamamoto Kaisei failed, the influence he built within the navy did not disappear. We must acknowledge the existence of these individuals. Not all of them are stubborn conservatives; many are willing to support the new policy. We simply need to give them a chance so they can smoothly switch sides after Yamamoto's resignation.

If we could obtain the approval of Minister of the Navy Yamamoto, then turning these people into our own forces would be much simpler. After assimilating these individuals, the group represented by Shibayama and Dewa would remain a minority within the Navy, posing no threat to the overall situation. Commander-in-Chief Kawahara would likely be pleased with this outcome. After all, if Shibayama and Dewa were to make significant strides within the Navy, it would be a problem for him as the Navy's leader; a strong branch and a weak trunk is never a good thing.

Togo Masamichi was completely convinced. He only asked with some doubt, "Just by being restrained on the issue of personnel reform, can Yamamoto Kaito have such a big change in his opinion of me?"

Lin Xinyi simply smiled and said, "Because Yamamoto Kaisho has no other choice. Shibayama wants to clear his name. He might take in Yamamoto Kaisho's subordinates, but he won't leave any trace of Yamamoto Kaisho in the Navy. He needs to completely overthrow Yamamoto Kaisho's line of command within the Navy in order to prove that the suppression he suffered at Yamamoto Kaisho's hands was persecution."

Dewa Shigeto hates the entire Satsuma faction. Although he is now an ally of ours, if given a choice, he would expel all Satsuma members from the Navy. In this way, Dewa Shigeto would become the leader who restores order to the Navy, as he would purify the Navy, which would be the best way for him to unite non-Satsuma forces.

As for the others besides these three, if Saito Minoru could preserve the legacy of Navy Minister Yamamoto, he should now be able to suppress Commander-in-Chief Kawahara and become a strong contender for the position. Although Togo Heihachiro is hailed as a war god, he didn't graduate from the Naval Academy, making it difficult for him to gain the approval of others. Apart from these two, there are even fewer noteworthy figures.

Therefore, Yamamoto Kaisho doesn't have many protectors to choose from. As long as you, Vice Minister, show Yamamoto Kaisho your gentle demeanor, I don't think there's anything else to consider..."

After much persuasion, Lin Xinyi convinced Togo Masashi to exercise restraint in the personnel reforms. Upon returning to his office, he eagerly poured himself a large glass of cold water and drank it. Tokyo was still very hot in September. Although the Japanese archipelago looked close to Siberia on the map, Tokyo and Ningbo were actually at similar latitudes, so their climates were also similar.

Lin Xinyi had barely returned to his office when there was a knock at the door. He put down his teacup and let him in. It was Toyota Teijiro who entered. Lin Xinyi greeted him warmly and asked when he had returned to Tokyo.

Toyoda Teijiro, who was in charge of the research work in the Kansai region, first gave Hayashi Nobuyoshi a brief report on his recent work, and then congratulated him, saying, "I heard that you are getting married the week after next, Section Chief? Congratulations!"

Lin Xinyi poured him another glass of water, saying, "You'd better drink a few more glasses then. The reason I called you back is that I have some new work to discuss with you."

Toyota Teijiro quickly sat up straight and nodded to Hayashi Shin-yi, saying, "Please feel free to provide as much information as you like, Section Chief. I will definitely do my best to complete it."

Lin Xinyi put down the teapot and sat back in his seat, placing his hands on the desk as he looked at Toyota and said slowly and deliberately, "Actually, I want to transfer you out of the cultural studies class."

Toyota Teijiro's expression immediately changed. He looked at Lin Xinyi hesitantly and said, "Section Chief, do you think there's something I've done wrong? If you have any complaints about my work..."

Lin Xinyi waved his hand to interrupt him and said, "I am satisfied with your work. Whether it is the investigation report, the statistical results, or the evaluation report for each investigation team, you have done an excellent job."

Toyota Teijiro felt a little more at ease. Hearing that Hayashi Shin-yi wasn't going to send him away, he wasn't so worried. He knew very well that Hayashi Shin-yi's future was not limited to just being a section chief, so as long as Hayashi Shin-yi didn't have any prejudice against him, he wasn't too opposed to the other party's arrangement. After all, he felt that his relationship with Hayashi Shin-yi was not just that of an ordinary superior and subordinate, but also that of comrades in the Akazakura Society.

Although the Red Cherry Blossom Society was formed by a group of marine cadets during their school years, as the war allowed the 32nd class of cadets to begin to stand out, the Red Cherry Blossom Society was no longer just a simple club organization at school. Instead, it became a forum for young officers, mainly from the 32nd and 33rd classes of marines, to exchange innovative ideas about the navy's current state.

Unlike the naval symposium, which targets a broad range of naval officers and sailors, the Akasakura Association caters to a smaller group. However, its members are more closely connected, having shared experiences of living and learning together. Consequently, they tend to be more frank and direct in their discussions, or perhaps even more radical in their thinking. While the naval symposium primarily focuses on the navy's combat capabilities, the Akasakura Association goes beyond naval regulations, criticizing some of the irrationalities existing within Japan.

Without Lin Xinyi, the Red Cherry Blossom Society might have become a gathering for these young officers to vent their frustrations, as they were powerless to change reality and unable to come up with a theory to persuade others. However, Lin Xinyi promoted a series of reforms in the Navy, quickly drawing the attention of the Red Cherry Blossom Society members to him. Although many did not fully agree with Lin Xinyi's advocacy of scientific socialism, no one labeled him an anti-naval element because of this, as the difference in their levels was too great.

For example, the highest-ranking naval officials that members of the Akazakura Society could contact were only at the level of Togo Masamichi. If they reported to Togo Masamichi that Hayashi Nobuyoshi was a socialist, Togo probably wouldn't be surprised, but he certainly wouldn't warn Hayashi Nobuyoshi because of this, since Togo and Kawahara had already accepted Hayashi Nobuyoshi's proposition that scientific socialism was the correct theory to guide naval strategy, and Hayashi Nobuyoshi had also proven this through practice.

In contrast, the army's fear of socialists largely stemmed from the negative influence of the workers' and peasants' movements. Since the Meiji Restoration, the army had been burdened with internal repression, the largest of which was the Satsuma Rebellion. During these repressions, the army encountered various ideologies, both old and new, opposing the Meiji government, with socialist thought being the most effective at inciting popular resistance.

Therefore, the navy is not very sensitive to socialist ideology, because the navy does not need to be directly responsible for suppressing domestic workers' and peasants' movements. However, it is quite effective in using socialist ideology to analyze the social conditions of overseas countries. At least the navy's upper echelons have not yet found any contradictions between these analytical reports and the navy's overseas practices.

Hayashi Shin-yi also made history in the navy. A young officer who had only graduated a few years ago not only achieved brilliant results overseas, but also promoted reforms within the navy after returning home. For those young officers who were dissatisfied with the status quo but felt powerless, Hayashi Shin-yi was simply a guiding light. Following him, they might really see a different and new Japan.

Therefore, Lin Xinyi transformed from the core of leadership of the Red Cherry Society into its spiritual core. Even members who did not believe in scientific socialism supported Lin Xinyi's actions. They were more worried about being abandoned by the group than about being corrupted by socialist ideology.

Teijiro Toyoda was one of them. Although he felt that scientific socialism was too idealistic and might not be achievable, he was a follower of Shinji Hayashi, a fact that no one else could question. This identity not only gave him power but also secured his leadership position among his peers. Those classmates who looked down on him had no choice but to submit to Shinji Hayashi, because the backbone of the navy had begun to concentrate on him. Theorists among the young officers, such as Saneyuki Akiyama and Tetsutaro Sato, were all revolving around Shinji Hayashi. How could anyone else challenge Shinji Hayashi's leadership position among the young officers?

Although the Japanese Navy was the most Westernized organization in Japan, the Japanese tradition of loyalty to a group did not disappear within it. When Saigo Tsugumichi transferred from Army General to Minister of the Navy, setting aside his family background, he attempted to make the Navy independent from Army control. This stemmed from his identification with the Navy as a group, and he relinquished his loyalty to the Army. Similarly, the separation between the Satsuma faction within the Army and the Satsuma faction within the Navy was also due to the Satsuma faction's belief that loyalty to the Army as a whole should take precedence, rather than their Satsuma identity.

Since the young officers in the navy had formed a core group, in order not to be marginalized, other young officers would adjust their stances to align themselves with this group. Toyoda Teijiro was loyal to this group and believed that a member's status within the group was inseparable from their proximity to Hayashi Nobuyoshi.

Hayashi Shin-yi clearly hadn't considered things as much as Toyoda Teijiro. Although he advised Togo Masamichi not to interfere in personnel matters, it didn't mean he wouldn't make personnel arrangements himself. Of course, what he wanted wasn't to adjust the positions of a few people, but rather to promote reforms in the naval personnel system. Toyoda Teijiro was indeed a suitable candidate; aside from lacking assertiveness, he surpassed ordinary administrative staff in handling specific matters.

He looked into Lieutenant Toyota's eyes and said, "The Navy's personnel system has always been a problem. It was through reforming the Navy's personnel that Minister Yamamoto built the Navy we have today."

To be fair, our ability to defeat the Russians today was actually due to Yamamoto Kai's personnel reforms relative to the old navy, which promoted some capable officers to the right positions…”

Chapter 622

Toyoda Teijiro was greatly encouraged. Although, in theory, his group was still far from having control of the navy, and the navy that had defeated Qing China and Russia was not lacking in vigor, the higher-ups did not care about the radical ideas of the lower ranks. They had their own recognized direction for the development of the navy.

Without the exception of Lin Xinyi, these young junior officers would only be able to follow behind senior officers like Akiyama Saneyuki and Sato Tetsutaro, cheering for these backbone figures of the navy. After all, senior officers are the middle class in the military, connecting the upper and lower levels. They can see the problems at the bottom and understand the way the upper levels act, so they naturally know better how the navy should be reformed. As for junior officers, although they have enthusiasm, they lack vision, so it is difficult for them to come up with a direction for the navy that conforms to everyone's understanding.

However, Lin Xinyi's emergence overturned the unspoken rules of the military. He advanced directly to the rank of colonel with almost no time spent as a junior officer. Psychologically, the junior officers regarded Lin Xinyi as one of their own, not as their superior. In the eyes of many, although Lin Xinyi was exceptionally outstanding, the fact that he could stand on equal footing with, and even suppress, these colonel-level officers suggested that since everyone else couldn't compare to Lin Xinyi, these senior officers might not necessarily have a better grasp of the truth than the younger generation.

Once the awe one felt for superiors vanished, a sense of superiority took its place. In Toyoda Teijiro's view, many of his seniors were his superiors not because they were more talented than him, but because they had joined the Navy earlier. If these seniors could guide the Navy in the right direction, he would still respect them to some extent. But if they couldn't move the Navy forward and instead created obstacles, then removing these seniors from their positions and making way for capable young people was only natural.

The reason he was willing to obey and follow Lin Xinyi was because Lin Xinyi could point out the correct direction for the navy's progress and had the ability to get the navy's high command to accept it. Therefore, following Lin Xinyi was like walking on the broadest road, where all obstacles in front of him had been overcome. Who would abandon a ready-made road and insist on finding their own?

Hayashi Shin-yi's mention of Yamamoto's personnel appointments and his intention to revise them naturally excited Toyota, as it meant that Hayashi was already preparing to lead the navy. For other officers of the rank of lieutenant colonel, this might have been an arrogant idea, but with Hayashi, he felt it simply accelerated the process. After all, even if Hayashi did nothing now, he would become the leader of the navy in one or two decades; none of his contemporaries or seniors could compare to him.

Based on this, it was not a problem for Lin Xinyi to arrange anything to speed up the progress, because they would continue to progress as Lin Xinyi advanced.

Lin Xinyi's next words further excited Toyota, because Lin Xinyi had clearly considered the personnel issue quite thoroughly and did not just want to place one or two people in the personnel department.

"...The personnel promotion system established by Yamamoto Kaisho tends to be based on examinations. Whether it is the hammock exam during school or various promotion exams in the military, the fundamental reason for this examination system is that Japan did not have a naval tradition in the past. We completely imitated the British Royal Navy to establish the Imperial Navy. Therefore, the primary task of Imperial Navy officers is to replicate the tradition of the British Navy in the Imperial Navy, rather than starting from scratch."

This approach of learning from the British Royal Navy was effective against the fleets of the Qing Dynasty and Russia, because neither the Qing nor Russian navies could defeat the British Royal Navy, not even the replica of that fleet, the Imperial Navy.

However, our next opponents are European and American nations with similar naval traditions, including even the British Royal Navy. Continuing to follow the British Royal Navy's strategy will only make our weaknesses easily exposed. After all, the navies of the United States, France, and Germany were built to counter the British Royal Navy; if they couldn't compete with it, they wouldn't have needed to build their own.

Against the original, these countries' navies might not stand a chance, but against our copy, they'll likely find our weaknesses easily. Therefore, the Imperial Navy must now independently consider its development direction and formulate suitable goals, strategies, and tactics; we have no more examples to follow.

This is why I believe the personnel promotion system established by Navy Minister Yamamoto is no longer suitable for the development of the Navy. The future development goals of the Navy require us to select more professional officers and creative leaders. These people cannot be selected through examinations alone, or rather, the Navy does not yet have a person who fully understands the future, so naturally, it cannot formulate an examination that can select and lead the Navy forward in the future.

Therefore, our reform of the naval personnel system should be based on the examination system, observing individual ability development, and selecting those with greater creativity and leadership skills to take on leadership positions. I believe that the points-based system currently in use at naval seminars can be easily incorporated into the personnel promotion system with slight modifications.

One of our advantages is that the position of Director of the Naval Personnel Bureau has been basically confirmed as Vice Admiral Toshitsu Sakamoto, the president of the Naval University. Vice Admiral Sakamoto had given a lot of advice on the point system for the Naval Symposium, so he will not refuse to introduce the point system into the personnel promotion system when he takes office as Director of the Personnel Bureau, which is also in line with his advocacy for reforming the personnel system…”

Upon hearing this, Toyoda Teijiro realized that his trip to the Personnel Bureau wasn't a solo endeavor, but rather a task to reform the personnel system with the support of the new Director. Could there be a simpler mission? He then eagerly explained to Hayashi Shinichi, "I understand what you mean, Section Chief. Your request for me to go to the Personnel Bureau isn't for the power to recommend one or two personnel appointments, but to re-establish the personnel system so that selected cadres meet the requirements of the new policy..."

Seeing that Toyoda Teijiro understood his request, Lin Xinyi said with a relaxed expression, "Yes, that is your main task at the Personnel Bureau. The secondary task is to collect information on the naval officers so that the Akazawa Society can understand their relationships, abilities, and thoughts. The Akazawa Society can only understand their experiences in school; their experiences after leaving school are something the Personnel Bureau needs to know."

Although Lin Xinyi only touched on the point briefly, Toyota understood perfectly. While a small number of people believed that the Akazakura Association was just a more unified enthusiast group than the Naval Symposium, many others believed that the Akazakura Association should replace regional factions in the Navy as the mainstream, because factions based on region and interpersonal relationships would only fight for power and profit, while the Akazakura Association, united by the ideas of naval reform, could break down regional and interpersonal networks and make the Navy more united.

Toyota is a key member of the latter faction and a leading figure who strongly advocates for the Akazakura Society to eliminate all factions in the Navy. Previously, Hayashi Shin-yi had not expressed his opinion, so there was still some debate within the Akazakura Society about whether to transform it from an academic organization into a political group. However, Hayashi Shin-yi's hint today is tantamount to stating his position.

Using personnel data managed by the Personnel Bureau to learn about the information of various naval officers is clearly a preparation for the Red Cherry Society to take control of the navy; otherwise, there would be no need to do such a taboo thing.

Just as Hayashi Shinji had predicted, the debate over land reform gradually subsided after the Imperial Diet reconvened, and support for pilot land reform gradually became the mainstream opinion in the Diet and among the public. During this process, a bill to promote heavy industry development and strengthen national power during this peaceful decade was quietly passed amidst the land reform discussions.

Yamagata Aritomo supports the development of heavy industry, but he is very averse to linking peace issues with heavy industry development, because it means that the government's policy of reducing military strength will gain further public support, and the army's advocacy of expanding military strength will be even more difficult to gain public support.